{"id":3692,"date":"2025-11-13T00:58:23","date_gmt":"2025-11-12T21:58:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/?p=3692"},"modified":"2026-04-24T13:53:51","modified_gmt":"2026-04-24T10:53:51","slug":"siyasal-iletisimde-erkeklik-ve-cocukluk","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/2025\/11\/13\/siyasal-iletisimde-erkeklik-ve-cocukluk","title":{"rendered":"Siyasal \u0130leti\u015fimde Erkeklik ve \u00c7ocukluk"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

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Bir halk, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir baba fig\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc neden arzular? Ve neden her krizde \u00e7ocuk gibi hissetmek isteriz? Do\u00e7. Dr. Burcu \u00d6nder Memi\u015f, <\/strong>politik olan\u0131n duygusal haritas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00e7izdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


1 – Bir liderin halkla kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki bi\u00e7iminde \u201cbaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d ya da \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d imgesi hangi i\u015flevleri g\u00f6r\u00fcr?
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Gustave Le Bon, \u201cKitleler Psikolojisi\u201d<\/strong>nde, Sigmund Frued da \u201cKitle Psikolojisi ve Benlik Analizi\u201d<\/strong>nde kitlelerin irrasyonel olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylerler. Yani bir araya gelen ve kitleler olu\u015fturan gruplar bilin\u00e7li, rasyonel bir zeminde hareket etmezler. Sigmund Freud, \u201cKitle Psikolojisi ve Benlik Analizi\u201d<\/strong>nde, \u201ckitlelerin duygulan\u0131mlar\u0131ndan\u201d<\/strong> bahseder. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kitle irrasyonel bir yap\u0131dad\u0131r ve halk kitle halinde hareket etmeye, karar vermeye, bir se\u00e7ime do\u011fru y\u00f6nelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda burada bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131 dinamikler i\u015flemeye ba\u015flar. \u201cBaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d, \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d, \u201cbac\u0131\/karde\u015f\u201d<\/strong> in liderin halkla ili\u015fkilenme bi\u00e7imindeki i\u015flevleri de burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu i\u015flevleri ancak buralara bakara yorumlayabiliriz. <\/p>\n\n\n

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\u00d6ncelikle \u201cbaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d ve \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201dun<\/strong> hangi anlamlar ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakal\u0131m. \u201cBaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d ve \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d , \u201caileye\u201d <\/strong>aittirler. Bu fig\u00fcrler (\u201canne\u201d de buna d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere) bir ailenin dinamiklerine, i\u015flerli\u011fine veya bir ailedeki sisteme, yap\u0131ya i\u015faret ederler. Sosyolojide de ifade edildi\u011fi \u00fczere aile toplumun mikro yap\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Biz aile \u00fczerinden toplumun izlerini seyredebiliriz. Tekrar psikolojik boyuta ve aileye d\u00f6necek olursak, baba otoriteyi, korumay\u0131, kollamay\u0131, disipline etmeyi, s\u0131n\u0131r koymay\u0131, onaylamay\u0131 ifade eder. Bir aile i\u00e7indeki \u00e7ocuklar da onaylanma ve yeterlilik alg\u0131lar\u0131 hakk\u0131ndaki fikre baban\u0131n davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131 \u00fczerinden var\u0131rlar. Baban\u0131n bu d\u00fczlemdeki tutumlar\u0131, yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 \u00e7ocuklar \u00fczerinde yeterlilik veya yetersizlik, onaya ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olma veya kendini yeterli g\u00f6rme gibi alg\u0131lar\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Yani benli\u011fimizin olu\u015fumuyla ilgili temeller anneden oldu\u011fu kadar \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131 baba taraf\u0131ndan da at\u0131l\u0131r.n\u0131n  Lacan<\/strong> da bunu s\u00f6yler ve \u201cBaban\u0131n Adlar\u0131<\/strong>\u201d \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok durur. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dahas\u0131 \u00e7ocukluk y\u0131llar\u0131nda babayla kurulan ili\u015fki, yeti\u015fkinlikte \u201cotorite\u201d <\/strong>ile kurulan ili\u015fkiyi in\u015fa eder. Otorite ile yani kurallar koyan, s\u0131n\u0131rlar \u00e7izen taraf ile ili\u015fkimiz nas\u0131l seyredecektir? Bu otorite taraf\u0131, devlet, i\u015fveren, m\u00fcd\u00fcr, \u00f6\u011fretmen, kolluk g\u00fc\u00e7leri (polis gibi), siyasi lider gibi fig\u00fcrlerin temsiliyetini ifade eder. O halde burada \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d<\/strong>un konumu da ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor : \u00c7ocuk korunmaya, yeti\u015ftirilmeye, \u00f6\u011fretilmeye, y\u00f6nlendirilmeye, \u015fefkate, yard\u0131ma, deste\u011fe ihtiyac\u0131 oland\u0131r. Hen\u00fcz hem bedensel anlamda hem de ruhsal anlamda bir yeti\u015fkin bilincine sahip de\u011fildir. <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7ocuk korku duyar, kayg\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r, ihtiya\u00e7 duyar, ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 vard\u0131r. Duygular\u0131yla kalmay\u0131, onlar\u0131 ifade etmeyi ve kendisini reg\u00fcle etmeyi \u00f6\u011frenmeye ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte tam bu noktada \u00e7ocuklukta, aile i\u00e7inde, otorite fig\u00fcr\u00fc baba ile ya\u015fananlar yeti\u015fkinlikte, bir yeti\u015fkinin ya\u015fam\u0131nda belirleyici bir noktaya ge\u00e7er. Bu noktalardan biri de politikad\u0131r. Siyasi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imimiz, hangi siyasi lidere sempati duydu\u011fumuz, hangi lideri se\u00e7ti\u011fimiz  \u201cbaba\u201d , \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d ve ya \u201ck\u0131z karde\u015f\u201d \u201cana\/anne\u201d<\/strong> ile \u00e7ocuklukta ya\u015fananlardan olu\u015fturdu\u011fumuz alg\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131zla \u00e7ok yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkilidir.  \u201cA\u011fabey<\/strong>\u201din daha yatay bir ili\u015fkisi vard\u0131r. Asl\u0131nda \u00f6yleymi\u015f gibi durur  ama biraz daha derinine bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman \u201ca\u011fabey\u201dde de bir kural koyucu, otoritenin devral\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, devam\u0131, kurallara y\u00f6nlendiren taraflar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz. Bunlara bir de \u201cana\/anne\u201d, \u201ck\u0131z karde\u015f\/bac\u0131\u201d<\/strong> y\u0131 da ekleyebiliriz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin \u00f6zellikle politikada, kad\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fczerine  \u201canal\u0131k, ana\u00e7l\u0131k, annelik\u201d<\/strong> \u00fczerinden bir perde \u00e7ekilir. \u201cK\u0131z karde\u015f\/bac\u0131\u201d<\/strong> oldu\u011fu zaman cinsiyet silinir, bir anda yok edilir ve ba\u015fka bir \u015fey ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. \u201cnamusun ya da ahlak\u0131n\u201d<\/strong> bunun \u00fczerinden d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bamba\u015fka bir \u015fey\u2026Tehlike ortadan kalkar. Art\u0131k siyaset yapan kad\u0131n fig\u00fcr tehlikeli de\u011fildir. \u201cAna\/bac\u0131\/karde\u015f\u201d <\/strong>s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indedir ve b\u00f6ylece ahlak\u0131n, namusun ve ayn\u0131 zamanda bir idealize edilmi\u015fli\u011fin timsali olur. Siyasette bu \u00e7ok g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir durumdur. Kad\u0131n, \u201ckad\u0131n\u201dkimli\u011fiyle siyaset yapamaz. \u201cDerleyip toparlay\u0131c\u0131, ara bulucu, namuslu, ana, bac\u0131, karde\u015f\u201d<\/strong> gibi roller al\u0131r veya kendisine y\u00fcklenir. Kad\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fc siyaset yapabilme durumu var m\u0131 bu taraf\u0131 sorgulamam\u0131z gerekir. \u0130dealize edilmi\u015f ve cinsiyeti silinmi\u015f, belirsizle\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir noktada siyasetle bulu\u015fur kad\u0131n. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tekrar aileye d\u00f6necek olursak,  aile i\u00e7inde, \u201cbaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey,\u201d \u201canne\u201d<\/strong> ile ya\u015fananlar ve burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan duygular yok olmaz. Bu fig\u00fcrlerle ili\u015fkide veya \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6fke, ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k-ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olma, onay ihtiyac\u0131, sevme-sevilme, ba\u011f kurma arzusu bir yerlerde bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olarak durur ve yeti\u015fkin ya\u015fant\u0131lar\u0131nda y\u00f6neldi\u011fi yerlerden biri de liderlerdir, politik fig\u00fcrlerdir.  Buras\u0131, Freud\u2019<\/strong>un \u201caktar\u0131m\u201d<\/strong> olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, sorunun tersinden gidersek, bir halk\u0131n, \u201cbaba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d<\/strong> \u00fczerinden liderle ili\u015fki kurmas\u0131 bu aktar\u0131m\u0131n bir sonucudur. Ebeveynlerle bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda devam eden, tamamlanmayan veya yar\u0131da kalm\u0131\u015f bir ili\u015fkinin devam\u0131d\u0131r asl\u0131nda bu. Ebeveyne duyulan arzunun lidere, siyasi bir lidere, politik bir kimli\u011fe aktar\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin \u201cdevlet ana\u201d<\/strong> deriz veya S\u00fcleymen Demirel\u2019<\/strong>in bir di\u011fer ad\u0131n\u0131n \u201cBaba\u201d<\/strong> olmas\u0131 gibi\u2026Hatta bunu  bir de siyah \u015fapkas\u0131yla imgele\u015ftirmi\u015fti S\u00fcleyman Demirel. Siyah \u015fapka ve \u201cbaba\u201d<\/strong> ifadelerini tek ba\u015f\u0131na s\u00f6ylesek do\u011frudan \u201cS\u00fcleyman Demirel\u201d kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r\u0131z. Doksanl\u0131 y\u0131llarda Tansu \u00c7iller\u2019in \u201cbac\u0131\/\/karde\u015f\u201d <\/strong>alg\u0131s\u0131 \u00e7izmesi gibi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Frued\u2019un izinden gidersek, halk\u0131n bir lidere y\u00f6neliminde bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131 dinamikler devreye girer.  Bir halk\u0131n, politik bir kimli\u011fe, siyasi bir lidere y\u00f6neli\u015finde,  bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00e7ocukluk hislerinin ve arzular\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6lgelerini seyrederiz. Freud\u2019un, \u201cKitle Psikolojisi ve Benlik Analizi\u201d<\/strong>ndeki \u00f6zde\u015fim gere\u011fi de, halk, lider ile \u00f6zde\u015fim kurar. Onun \u00f6zelliklerini kendine atfeder. B\u00f6ylece lider halk\u0131n kendisi olur, halk\u0131n sesi, solu\u011fu, ifadesi olur. Freud<\/strong> tam olarak \u015funu s\u00f6yler bize : \u201cKitle, nesneyi (lideri) kendi benlik ideallerinin yerine koyar ve bunun sonucunda kendi benliklerinde birbirleriyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fen bireyler toplam\u0131d\u0131r\u201d<\/em>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Di\u011fer taraftan otorite\/lider taraf\u0131ndan \u201cg\u00f6r\u00fclmek\u201d halk i\u00e7in kitle duygulan\u0131m\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda m\u00fcthi\u015f bir \u015feydir. Bu bazen, yine Freud\u2019un metinlerinin bize ifade etti\u011fi \u00fczere, kitlede \u00e7ok yo\u011fun bir duygulan\u0131m\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na, bunun doru\u011fa ula\u015fmas\u0131yla kitlesel libidonun a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na sebep olur. Kitlesel bir de\u015farj hali\u2026 \u00d6zellikle g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f, talepleri o g\u00fcne de\u011fin \u00f6nemsenmemi\u015f, kimlikleri bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve g\u00f6rmezden gelinmi\u015f toplumsal gruplar, bir lider taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fcklerinde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 durum tam anlam\u0131yla budur. Lideri tam olarak buraya yerle\u015ftirirler. <\/p>\n\n\n

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Wilhelm Reich, \u201cFa\u015fizmin Kitle Psikolojisi<\/strong>\u201dnde \u015funu sorgular : \u201cNe oluyor da<\/em>\u201d der, \u201cbir halk t\u00fcm yetkileri bir anda tek bir ki\u015fiye verir?\u201d.<\/em> Bu sorunun pe\u015fine d\u00fc\u015fer. Bunun yaln\u0131zca \u201ckorkmaktan\u201d veya \u201cpropaganda etkisinden\u201d<\/strong> ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmedi\u011finin ziyadesiyle fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. Hatta \u201culusal narsisizm\u201d<\/em> den bahseder. \u201cNeden bir demokrasi hik\u00e2yesi \u00e7\u0131kmaz buradan?\u201d<\/em> der. \u201c \u2018Ulusal Narsisizm\u2019 nas\u0131l olu\u015fur, ne olur orada?<\/em>\u201d diye sorar. Reich da bir halk\u0131n, bir lideri \u201cbaba\u201d <\/strong>fig\u00fcr\u00fc yerine koyarak, ona t\u00fcm yetkileri ve iktidar\u0131 verdi\u011fini ve bunu bir halka yapt\u0131ran gerek\u00e7enin \u201co halk\u0131n \u00e7ocuk benli\u011finde \u2018korunma\u2019 ve \u2018g\u00fcvende hissetme\u2019 ihtiyac\u0131 oldu\u011funu\u201d<\/em> s\u00f6yler. Reich, bu durumun bir halk\u0131n kendi kendisini y\u00f6netme iradesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ti\u011fini ifade eder. \u201cKitlelerin otoriter liderlerle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmelerinin sonucunda da \u2018ulusal narsisizm\u2019<\/em> ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d der. Burada Reich\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klama \u00e7ok \u00f6nemlidir: <\/p>\n\n\n\n

 \u201cKitle-bireyi, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u011fitim, terbiye, yeti\u015ftirilme \u015fekli bak\u0131m\u0131ndan (yani ge\u00e7mi\u015fte aile i\u00e7indeki durumu, konumu, ili\u015fkilenme bi\u00e7imi, g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ya da g\u00f6remedi\u011fi de\u011fer, \u00f6\u011frenme bi\u00e7imi, ilk \u00e7evresi ve buradan edindikleri itibar\u0131yla) ne denli \u2018\u00e7aresiz\u2019 hissediyorsa, \u2018\u00e7ocuksu dayanma ihtiyac\u0131\u2019 o denli artar. Kitle-bireyi o denli de, otoriter lider ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fme e\u011filimi g\u00f6sterir. Bu da ulusal narsisizmi do\u011furur<\/em>\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Peki, bu ne anlama gelir? Bunu da yine Reich cevapl\u0131yor : \u201cUlusal narsisizm neye hizmet eder? Bir halk\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcveninin al\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>.\u201d der ulusal narsisizm i\u00e7in. Burada da durmaz Reich, sormaya devam eder: Peki bunun kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 yok mudur? Bu durumun \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ilemez mi? \u201cBu durumun \u00f6n\u00fcne ancak, \u2018bilin\u00e7le \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda\u2019, \u201ckendinde ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k devre d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda\u2019 ve otoriter liderin yerine \u2018bireysel, yeti\u015fkin, irade sahibi, edilgen de\u011fil belirleyici ve bu halinin de fark\u0131nda olan, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, \u00fcreten insan\u2019 konuldu\u011funda ge\u00e7ilebilir\u201d<\/em> der. <\/p>\n\n\n

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Lacan<\/strong> taraf\u0131ndan bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda baba asl\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekte \u00f6znenin eksikli\u011fini an\u0131msat\u0131r. Bu anlamda liderle \u201cbaba\u201d <\/strong>fig\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinden ba\u011f kurma tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Tam da \u00f6zne olarak halk\u0131n ve kitle bireylerinin, bilin\u00e7 \u00f6tesinde, bu eksikli\u011fi giderme \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. Kitlelerin \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck \u00d6teki\u201d<\/strong>ne ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r.   Frued,<\/strong> \u201cTotem ve Tabu\u201d<\/strong>da o\u011fullar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan, klan\u0131 \u00fczerinde tam yetkiye sahip baban\u0131n \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden bahseder. Bunun sonucunda o\u011fullarda bir su\u00e7luluk ve kayg\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r der. \u0130\u015fte bu su\u00e7luluk ve kayg\u0131y\u0131 ile babas\u0131z kalman\u0131n, yani B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00d6teki<\/strong>\u2019siz kalman\u0131n su\u00e7lulu\u011fu ve endi\u015fesiyle ba\u015f edebilmek i\u00e7in baba ya\u015fat\u0131l\u0131r, ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imlerde ya\u015fat\u0131l\u0131r der. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lacan\u2019da B\u00fcy\u00fck \u00d6teki<\/strong> ayn\u0131 zamanda simgesele denk d\u00fc\u015fendir. Burada baba somut anlamda bir insan de\u011fildir. Bir i\u015flevdir.  Yani simgesel d\u00fczlemde dil, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, toplumun yasalar\u0131d\u0131r. Baba biraz buralarda da ya\u015far veya halk taraf\u0131ndan simgesel bir mevcudiyet bi\u00e7imiyle ya\u015fat\u0131l\u0131r. Bir i\u015flev olarak baba bu d\u00fczlemi ta\u015f\u0131r, aktar\u0131r. Bireylerden \u00f6nce de vard\u0131r, sonra da var olmaya devam edecektir Lacan\u2019a g\u00f6re. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Son tahlilde, liderler halkla olan ili\u015fkilerinde bu dinamikleri i\u015fletirler. Bunu bazen siyasal ileti\u015fim stratejilerinin dahiliyetinde de yapabilirler. Tabi kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda duran toplumun, halk\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri nedir sorusunun cevab\u0131 burada m\u00fchim rol oynar. Bu t\u00fcrden bir lider ili\u015fkilenmesine \u00e7ok yatk\u0131n olan halklar da olabilir ancak bunun ters tepti\u011fi veya i\u015flemedi\u011fi toplumlar da olabilir. Buras\u0131 tamamen bir halk\u0131n toplumsal, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yap\u0131s\u0131na, tarihsel arka plan\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u015fekillenir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir de \u015fu taraf var: Halk, korku ve panik i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde \u201cbaba\u201d <\/strong>fig\u00fcr\u00fcndeki liderlere daha \u00e7ok ba\u011flan\u0131r. Kriz ileti\u015fimi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde liderlerin varl\u0131k g\u00f6stermesi veya g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmas\u0131 biraz burayla da ilintilidir. Kayg\u0131 veren hatta toplumsal kayg\u0131n\u0131n en \u00fcst seviyeye \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde, bir kriz ileti\u015fimi olarak \u201ckoruyan\u201d, \u201cher \u015feye h\u00e2kim\u201d, \u201cg\u00fcven veren\u201d, \u201cher \u015feyi yoluna sokup d\u00fczeltecek olan\u201d<\/strong> lider g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc s\u00f6z konusu olur.  Kriz d\u00f6nemleri, toplumsal buhran zamanlar\u0131,  halklar\u0131 kitlesel olarak \u201cbaba\u201d <\/strong>fig\u00fcr\u00fcnde simgeselle\u015fmi\u015f liderlere, yasalara, otoriteye, sert-kat\u0131 kurallara y\u00f6neltir. G\u00fcven i\u00e7in bir derleyip toparlay\u0131c\u0131 gerekir, kurallar gerekir, otorite gerekir, yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar gerekir. Toplumun bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 bu y\u00f6nde olur.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wilhelm Reich\u2019a atfen Hitler D\u00f6nemi\u2019ne <\/strong>bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, \u00f6rne\u011fin F\u00fchrer\u2019in\/Hitler\u2019in devasa meydanlarda d\u00fczenlenen, co\u015fkun ve \u015fa\u015f\u0131las\u0131 kalabal\u0131k mitinglerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnelim\u2026 Buradan biz \u015funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz: Kitle, belli bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7in bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itti\u011fi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, arzular\u0131n\u0131, belli bir \u00f6nderin sembolik halinde kar\u015f\u0131lar. O \u00f6nderin simgeselli\u011finde ebeveyn-\u00e7ocuk ili\u015fkisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tabi Freud, Totem ve Tabu\u2019da,<\/strong> bir de o\u011fullar\u0131n baban\u0131n haklar\u0131ndan pay alma kavgas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eder. Bu da ba\u015fka bir taraft\u0131r. Baban\u0131n otoriterli\u011fine meydan okuma, yetki geni\u015fli\u011fini bozma, b\u00f6lme. Evet, bir su\u00e7luluk \u00e7\u0131kar buradan ama ger\u00e7ek olan bir de bir kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f vard\u0131r. Buray\u0131 da d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme, irdelemek gerekir. Politik anlamda baba, bu taraftan okundu\u011funda, otoritesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan bir m\u00fccadele alan\u0131d\u0131r da ayn\u0131 zamanda. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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2 – T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zelinde \u201cerkek lider=baba\u201d metaforu neden bu kadar kal\u0131c\u0131?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bunu Hofstede\u2019in<\/strong> k\u00fclt\u00fcr boyutlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirelim dilerseniz. Onun k\u00fclt\u00fcr boyutlar\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda,  T\u00fcrkiye biraz daha eril ve kolektivist k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zelliklerin a\u011f\u0131r bast\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclke diyebiliriz. Otoritenin veya otorite fig\u00fcrlerinin (kurumsal ileti\u015fim anlam\u0131nda da bunu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz) daha bask\u0131n ve belirleyici olduklar\u0131 bir yap\u0131, bir desen s\u00f6z konusu. Bu da biraz bizim tarihsel arka plan\u0131m\u0131zla ve toplumsal olarak bize \u00f6zg\u00fc tarihsel deneyimlerimizle, kolektif haf\u0131zam\u0131zla ilgili bir \u015fey. <\/p>\n\n\n

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Halbwachs\u2019\u0131n \u201cKolektif Bellek\u201d<\/strong> kuram\u0131ndan bu durumu okudu\u011fumuzda asl\u0131nda bu \u00f6zelli\u011fin yani politikada erkek lideri bir baba fig\u00fcr\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rme, ta\u015f\u0131ma, se\u00e7me ve devam ettirmenin biraz da kolektif belle\u011fimizin getirisi olarak da yorumlayabiliriz. 600 y\u00fczy\u0131l \u0130mparatorlukla y\u00f6netilmi\u015f, imparatorluk toplumu \u00f6zellikleri ta\u015f\u0131yarak ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f bir toplumun, i\u015fgal s\u00fcrecinde \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131r kolektif travmalar ya\u015famas\u0131 ve bunun sonras\u0131nda Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fc<\/strong>n \u00f6nderli\u011finde \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir duru\u015f sergileyerek Milli M\u00fccadeleyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesi demokrasiye, cumhuriyet\u00e7i y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imine ge\u00e7i\u015fi T\u00fcrk halk\u0131n\u0131n o g\u00fcne kadar ki t\u00fcm paradigmalar\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6kten de\u011fi\u015fime u\u011fratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu kolay bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Elbette burada T\u00fcrk halk\u0131 kadersel bir karar vererek, kendi kolektif iradesine sahip \u00e7\u0131kmay\u0131 ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7mi\u015ftir. Ancak derinlerde hala kolektif haf\u0131zan\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaralar vard\u0131r. Bunun bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi bir yap\u0131, bir e\u011filim vard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bizdeki erkek lider =baba metaforu bu izlerin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr halen. Jan Assmann\u2019\u0131n \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcrel Bellek\u201dine<\/strong> atfen de bu b\u00f6yledir. \u0130leti\u015fimsel belle\u011fimizde ge\u00e7mi\u015f deneyimlerimiz hala mevcuttur. O da bu taraflardan politik kimli\u011fe bakar. \u00c7ok ge\u00e7i\u015fteyizdir o y\u00fczden. Bir taraf\u0131m\u0131zda de\u011fi\u015fim olgusu, demokratik y\u00f6nelimler olanca g\u00fcc\u00fcyle kendisini hissettirir, her \u015fey de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f gibidir. Ama di\u011fer taraftan erkek lider= baba <\/strong>metaforlar\u0131n\u0131n kurumsal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fczden tutun da siyasal parti k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne ve politika yapma bi\u00e7imine kadar s\u0131kl\u0131kla tekrar eden d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc bizi en muhalif siyaset yap\u0131lan s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde bile d\u00f6ne dola\u015fa ayn\u0131 yere getirir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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\u00c7ok enteresand\u0131r buras\u0131 ve \u00e7ok bize \u00f6zg\u00fcd\u00fcr. Mesela, demokratik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc siyaset yapma iddias\u0131ndaki liderlerde veya siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde bile, bir anda bir \u201cbaba-otorite-lider\u201d <\/strong>simgeselli\u011finde mevcudiyet bulan bir s\u00f6ylem k\u0131y\u0131dan k\u00f6\u015feden bir yerlerden s\u0131z\u0131 verir veya bir lapsus\/dil s\u00fcr\u00e7mesi ile ortaya d\u00f6k\u00fcl\u00fcp sa\u00e7\u0131l\u0131verir. Yine demokratik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc taraftan siyaset yapma iddias\u0131ndaki bir kad\u0131n bir anda \u201cadam gibi d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015ferek \u00f6lmek<\/em>\u201d<\/strong>ten s\u00f6z ediverir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

O zaman bize Freud\u2019u<\/strong> sayg\u0131yla anmas\u0131 kal\u0131r trajikomik bi\u00e7imde\u2026 Bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131 her h\u00e2l\u00fck\u00e2rda i\u015fler, kitlesel d\u00fczeyde de bu b\u00f6yledir. Bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 olarak ise, kolektif bellek de susmaz bir yerlerden kendini hat\u0131rlat\u0131r hep. Kolektif bellek, kolektif yaralar\u0131 da i\u00e7erir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc. Atalar\u0131m\u0131zla, bizden \u00f6nceki nesillerle bir bi\u00e7imde ba\u011f kurmaya devam ederiz. Onlar\u0131n yaralar\u0131n\u0131, hislerini kolektif olarak i\u00e7imizde bir yerlere ta\u015f\u0131maya devam ederiz. 
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3- Siyasal reklamlarda \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d ve \u201caile\u201d fig\u00fcrlerinin kullan\u0131m\u0131 hangi bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kodlara sesleniyor? <\/strong>
 <\/strong>
Bu soruyu g\u00f6stergebilimsel manada ve hermeneutik \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde de\u011ferlendirelim. Reklamlarda \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d fig\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn kullan\u0131m\u0131 g\u00f6stergebilimsel\/semiyoloji anlam\u0131nda gelece\u011fi ifade eder.  \u201cAile\u201d<\/strong> de gelenekselli\u011fe, geleneksel de\u011ferlere, koruyuculu\u011fa, s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe, devama, k\u00f6kl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe, aidiyete at\u0131ft\u0131r. Bu manada ya\u015fam\u0131n aktar\u0131m\u0131na ve devam\u0131na da denk d\u00fc\u015fer. \u201c\u00c7ocuk\u201d<\/strong> ayn\u0131 zamanda masumiyet, umut, de\u011fi\u015fim, yenilik olarak da simgeselle\u015ftirilir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla siyasal reklamlarda verilen mesajlar bir zihniyet, belli bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, belli bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kodlar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r ve bunlar\u0131 halka aktarmaya, empoze etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. \u201c\u00c7ocuk\u201d ve \u201caile\u201d<\/strong>  fig\u00fcrleri i\u00e7eren siyasal reklamlar da  liderin halkla ili\u015fki kurma bi\u00e7iminin bir devam\u0131d\u0131r asl\u0131nda. Ayn\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131, ayn\u0131 kodlar  mevcuttur. Halk\u0131n bilin\u00e7alt\u0131ndaki dinamiklere seslenir, onlar\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7ocuklara onlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u201cgelece\u011fin sorumlulu\u011funu\u201d <\/strong>da y\u00fckler. Asl\u0131nda bu t\u00fcrden siyasal reklamlara g\u00f6stergebilimsel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme derinli\u011finde bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bir \u00f6nceki neslin yapamad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir sonraki neslin omuzlar\u0131na bir sorumluluk olarak y\u00fcklenmesini fark ederiz. Lacan\u2019\u0131n \u201cO\u011ful baban\u0131n semptomudur\u201d<\/strong> ifadesindeki gibi t\u0131pk\u0131\u2026Bir neslin kendini ve \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bulabilmesi i\u00e7in de simgesel olarak baban\u0131n (bir \u00f6nceki neslin\/kurallar\u0131n\/omuzlar\u0131na kendi iradesi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda y\u00fcklenenin) simgesel d\u00fczeyde yok edilmesi gerekir belki de daha derinlerde  Freud ve Lacan<\/strong> \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde\u2026 <\/p>\n\n\n

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Reklamlar bize bir alg\u0131, bir ger\u00e7eklik sunar. Bu ger\u00e7eklik bizim d\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda veya bizim ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimizden bamba\u015fka olabilir. Kolektif bir ger\u00e7eklik k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve hakikate ula\u015fmay\u0131 ancak bu t\u00fcrden reklamlara daha dikkatle bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda ya\u015fayabiliriz.  Bu y\u00fczden g\u00f6stergebilimsel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131na, onlar\u0131n aktard\u0131klar\u0131 mesajlara, yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 kitle k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne ve oradan bize kesintisiz ak\u0131p duranlara dikkat kesilmemiz \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r. Buraya vard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z zaman \u201cneden\u201d <\/strong>diye sorgulamaya ba\u015flayabiliriz. Bize dayat\u0131lan\u0131, empoze edileni g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flar\u0131z. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131, liderlerin ”baba\u201d, \u201ca\u011fabey\u201d, \u201c\u00e7ocuk\u201d, \u201cbac\u0131\/karde\u015f\u201d<\/strong> \u00fczerinden halkla ili\u015fki kurma \u015feklini topluma aktar\u0131r, yayar. Siyasal reklamlar, kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n bu t\u00fcrden i\u015flevlerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli yerlerden biridir. \u0130ster bas\u0131l\u0131 reklamlar olsun isterse televizyon reklamlar\u0131, her ikisinde de bu t\u00fcrden g\u00f6rsel \u00f6\u011feler \u00e7ok yo\u011fundur. Sosyal medya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla dijital ortamlarda art\u0131k bunlar \u00e7ok daha h\u0131zla yay\u0131l\u0131yor ve kitlelere ula\u015f\u0131yor. Ekranlar\u0131m\u0131zdan bu t\u00fcrden mesajlara ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131mlara daha fazla maruz kal\u0131yoruz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin haberlerin verili\u015f \u015fekli, medyada dilin kullan\u0131m bi\u00e7imi,  (tam da Lacan\u2019\u0131n simgeseline denk d\u00fc\u015fecek bi\u00e7imde) kitle ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 yoluyla kitlelere dalga dalga yay\u0131nlan s\u00f6ylemler toplum \u00fczerinde ba\u015fka bir alg\u0131, ba\u015fka t\u00fcrden bir ger\u00e7eklik olu\u015ftururlar. Bu, zamanla siyasal reklam\u0131yla, haberiyle, haberinin diliyle, s\u00f6ylemiyle topluma kendi ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini, otantikli\u011fini, biricikli\u011fini unutturur. \u00d6yle ki toplum, \u201cbizim kendi kimli\u011fimiz, ger\u00e7ekli\u011fimiz nedir? Neydi o?\u201d<\/strong> diye durup sormaya f\u0131rsat bulamaz. Bug\u00fcn dijital \u00e7a\u011fda, sosyal medyan\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda bu durumu daha fazla ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u0131pk\u0131 siyasal reklamlar kadar, haber dili de incelenmeli\u2026Oralarda da benzer kodlar hakim. S\u00f6ylem ideolojik bir in\u015fa sunar. Biz haberlerde de bilgi aktar\u0131m\u0131ndan ziyade bu ideolojik in\u015fay\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u00fcz hem de \u00e7ok bilin\u00e7alt\u0131na seslenerek yapar her ikisi de bunu. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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4 – \u201cErkek \u00e7ocuk\u201d olarak toplumda yeti\u015fen bireylerin liderlik h\u0131rs\u0131 psikolojik olarak nas\u0131l bi\u00e7imleniyor? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oedipus Kompleksi bize \u00e7ocuklukta bir iktidar kavgas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Anne-\u00e7ocuk aras\u0131na baban\u0131n girmesiyle meseleler de\u011fi\u015fiyor. Yine Totem ve Tabu\u2019da da g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz bu iktidar m\u00fccadelesini. O\u011fullar, babaya ba\u015f kald\u0131r\u0131yor ve yetki hakk\u0131 istiyorlar. Onun sahip olduklar\u0131na ortak olmak istiyorlar. Yok ediyorlar babay\u0131. Bu, simgesel anlamda da otoriteye kar\u015f\u0131 gelme, onu ortadan kald\u0131rma veya onu b\u00f6lme, kesintiye u\u011fratma ve buradan kendini ortaya koymaya kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k geliyor. Bu soruya biraz bu taraflardan bakmak gerek. Politikaya, iktidar m\u00fccadelesine \u00e7ok erken ya\u015flarda ba\u015fl\u0131yoruz asl\u0131nda. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Di\u011fer yandan kad\u0131nlarda da var asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 ve iktidar h\u0131rs\u0131. Bu, yaln\u0131zca erkeklere, erkek \u00e7ocuklara \u00f6zg\u00fc de\u011fil.  K\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131nda da Elektra Kompleksi s\u00f6z konusu. K\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131 da (ve ileride yeti\u015fkin olduklar\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar da) hem kendi aralar\u0131nda, hem annelerine hem de bulunduklar\u0131 ortamdaki otoriteye kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeleye giri\u015febiliyorlar. Yani k\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131 da gayet h\u0131rsl\u0131 yeti\u015febiliyor. \u00dcstelik kad\u0131nlar\u0131n liderlik h\u0131rs\u0131, g\u00fc\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 ve bi\u00e7im de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f boyutlarda olabiliyor. Kad\u0131n da erkek de liderlik h\u0131rs\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yabilir. Bunun ne \u015fekilde ya\u015fanaca\u011f\u0131, her ikisinin de i\u00e7inde yeti\u015fti\u011fi dinamiklere \u00e7ok ba\u011fl\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, erkeklik kodlar\u0131yla yeti\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnelim. Baba erkek evlad\u0131 olsun istiyor ama k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu oluyor ve onu erkek gibi yeti\u015ftiriyor. Buna ne diyece\u011fiz? B\u00f6yle bir \u00e7ocu\u011fun g\u00fc\u00e7 ve liderlik arzusunu nas\u0131l yorumlayaca\u011f\u0131z? \u0130leride nas\u0131l bir lider olacak bu k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu ve daha \u00f6nemlisi nas\u0131l siyaset yapacak? Hangi kodlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde kalarak yapacak?<\/p>\n\n\n

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5 – T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki liderlerin i\u00e7 d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda hala \u00e7ocuk olan bir taraf var m\u0131? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hepimizin i\u00e7inde hala bir \u00e7ocuk var asl\u0131na bakarsan\u0131z. Hepimizde bu \u00e7ocuk zaman zaman daha yo\u011fun ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu \u00e7ocu\u011fu korumak, onu g\u00fcvende hissettirmek i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7 arzusu duyuyoruz. Siyaset biraz da b\u00f6yle bir alan. Siyasette bir m\u00fccadele verilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir yerlere \u00e7\u0131k\u0131l\u0131p hararetli konu\u015fmalar yap\u0131l\u0131r, kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131l\u0131r, k\u0131z\u0131l\u0131r, \u00f6fkelenilir, tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Zaman zaman siyasi fig\u00fcrlerin ellerine megafon al\u0131p heyecanl\u0131 kalabal\u0131klara y\u00fcksek sesle konu\u015fmalar yapt\u0131klar\u0131 olur. O arada polisle, kolluk g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle iti\u015f kak\u0131\u015f ya\u015fan\u0131r, inatla\u015fmalar olur.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ger\u00e7ekte bu \u00f6fke kimedir, neyedir? Ger\u00e7ekte bu m\u00fccadele asl\u0131nda arka planda, bilin\u00e7d\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda kime ya da kimlere kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fimiz bir m\u00fccadeledir? Kime kar\u015f\u0131 o kadar y\u00fcksek sesle konu\u015fmak, kendimizi duyurmak isteriz? \u0130\u015fte siyaset bu kavgan\u0131n, bu duyulma ve kendini diretme iste\u011finin as\u0131l, ger\u00e7ek sahnesinden \u00e7\u0131karak ba\u015fka bir y\u00f6nelim, ba\u015fka bir bi\u00e7im alm\u0131\u015f halidir. Ama elbette politika kendimizi sa\u011faltaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bir yer de\u011fil. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir toplumu etkileyen kararlar almak \u00e7ok ciddi bir sorumluluk istiyor. Bu nedenle dengelemek gerekiyor. G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc g\u00f6z\u00fckme arzusu ve g\u00fcc\u00fc elinde bulundurma iste\u011fi zaman zaman bu \u00e7ocu\u011fu perdeliyor, g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131yor. Ancak yine de g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr olmak, g\u00fc\u00e7 elde etmek, onay almak, sevgi g\u00f6rmek (bu bir topluluktan tutun da bir gruba, bir halka de\u011fin uzanan bir dalga olabilir) iyi hissettiriyor. Tabii bu bir spektrum ve bu duygunun, o \u00e7ocuk taraf\u0131n lider taraf\u0131ndan hangi u\u00e7larda ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fchim. Az \u00f6nce de vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi, politika (ve mesela diplomasi de b\u00f6yledir)  b\u00fct\u00fcn bir toplumu, onun \u015fimdisini ve gelece\u011fini etkileyen kararlar\u0131n al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131, giri\u015fimlerin bulundu\u011fu bir alan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Foto\u011fraf Kaynaklar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  • Demirel’in \u015fapkal\u0131 foto\u011fraf\u0131 – Anadolu Ajans\u0131<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
      \n
    • Erdo\u011fan & Erbakan & G\u00f6k\u00e7ek – Medyascope<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
        \n
      • Hitler – Hitler Archive\u00a0<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
          \n
        • Obama ve \u00c7ocuklar- CNN \u0130nternational<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n
            \n
          • Erdo\u011fan & \u00d6zel & Bah\u00e7eli – Cumhuriyet<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

            <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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            <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

            Phasellus vitae ornare varius, quam nunc, tempus purus. 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