{"id":7025,"date":"2026-04-24T17:04:09","date_gmt":"2026-04-24T14:04:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/?p=7025"},"modified":"2026-04-25T10:36:30","modified_gmt":"2026-04-25T07:36:30","slug":"trumpin-psikopolitik-oyunu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/2026\/04\/24\/trumpin-psikopolitik-oyunu","title":{"rendered":"Trump’\u0131n Psikopolitik Oyunu: Yans\u0131tma ve B\u00f6lme"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

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Yazar: Klinik Psikolog<\/strong> G\u00fclseda \u00d6zdemir <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7ler yaln\u0131zca kurumsal yap\u0131lar ve politik programlarla de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal duygular ve alg\u0131larla \u015fekillenmektedir. Bu nedenle siyasal davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 anlamak, psikolojik s\u00fcre\u00e7leri de dikkate almay\u0131 gerektirir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde siyasal ileti\u015fim giderek duygular \u00fczerinden kurulmakta; korku, kayg\u0131 ve \u00f6fke gibi duygular siyasal mobilizasyonun \u00f6nemli ara\u00e7lar\u0131 haline gelmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu durum siyasal ileti\u015fimin yaln\u0131zca ideolojik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00fcretmedi\u011fini, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal duygular\u0131n y\u00f6nlendirilmesinde etkili oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir (Stranne, 2025, s. 1\u20132). Bu makale duygular\u0131 hedef alan pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylemlerin, kitle psikolojisi \u00fczerindeki etkilerini marksist ve psikanalitik kuram \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ele almakta ve \u00f6zellikle yans\u0131tma ile b\u00f6lme savunma mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n siyasal s\u00f6ylem i\u00e7indeki i\u015fleyi\u015fi de\u011ferlendirilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyasal Psikoloji, Duygu ve Kitle Dinamikleri<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyasal psikoloji, siyasal davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca rasyonel \u00e7\u0131kar hesaplar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunan disiplinler aras\u0131 bir aland\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m siyasal kararlar\u0131n olu\u015fumunda alg\u0131, duygu ve kimlik gibi psikolojik s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin \u00f6nemli rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulamaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde korku, nostalji ve \u00f6fke gibi duygular siyasal ileti\u015fimin \u00f6nemli unsurlar\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir (Stranne, 2025, s. 2). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Modern siyasal ileti\u015fimde kimlik ve aidiyet duygular\u0131 da bireylerin siyasal tercihlerini sosyal gruplarla kurduklar\u0131 psikolojik ba\u011flar \u00fczerinden \u015fekillendirmesi nedeniyle mobilizasyonun temel unsurlar\u0131ndan biri haline gelmi\u015ftir (Pettigrew, 2017, s. 111). Bu noktada kolektif kayg\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir duygu de\u011fil, toplumsal d\u00fczenin istikrar\u0131na ili\u015fkin ya\u015fanan k\u00f6kl\u00fc bir g\u00fcvensizlik bi\u00e7imidir (Marcus, Neuman ve MacKuen, 2000).<\/p>\n\n\n

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Psikolojik s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin bu merkezi rol\u00fc, ileti\u015fim stratejilerinin de bu y\u00f6nde \u015fekillenmesine neden olmaktad\u0131r. Modern siyasal ileti\u015fim b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde duygusal anlat\u0131lar \u00fczerinden kurulmaktad\u0131r. Siyasal akt\u00f6rler korku, nostalji ve \u00f6fke gibi duygular\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7irerek siyasal mobilizasyonu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirebilmektedir. Bu nedenle siyasal ileti\u015fim yaln\u0131zca politik mesajlar\u0131n aktar\u0131m\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda duygusal anlamlar\u0131n \u00fcretildi\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak de\u011ferlendirilmektedir (Stranne, 2025, s. 2\u20133). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylem toplumsal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi \u201cbiz\u201d ve \u201conlar\u201d ayr\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerinden yeniden tan\u0131mlayarak grup i\u00e7i dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirirken, rakipleri tehdit unsuru olarak sunan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir psikolojik zemin olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r (Lacatus, 2020, s. 37). \u00d6zellikle kriz d\u00f6nemlerinde ekonomik g\u00fcvencesizlik bireylerin aidiyet aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rarak bu t\u00fcr kimlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n etkisini peki\u015ftirmektedir (Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 355). Korku ve kayg\u0131 gibi duygular\u0131n siyasal tutumlar \u00fczerindeki bu belirleyici g\u00fcc\u00fc, kitlelerin hareket alan\u0131n\u0131 daraltan stratejik bir ara\u00e7 olarak tan\u0131mlanmaktad\u0131r (Marcus, Neuman ve MacKuen, 2000).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kitle Psikolojisine \u0130li\u015fkin Kuramsal Yakla\u015f\u0131mlar<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bireysel d\u00fczeydeki bu duygusal s\u00fcre\u00e7ler, kitle dinamikleriyle birle\u015fti\u011finde daha karma\u015f\u0131k bir yap\u0131ya b\u00fcr\u00fcnmektedir. Kitle psikolojisi literat\u00fcr\u00fc, bireylerin kalabal\u0131k gruplar i\u00e7erisinde bireysel bilin\u00e7lerinin zay\u0131flayarak kolektif duygular ve grup normlar\u0131yla hareket ettiklerini, bu durumun siyasal mobilizasyonda lider etkisini art\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r (Arslan, 2025, s. 7; Le Bon, 2001, s. 28). Kolektif bilincin rasyonel d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce \u00fczerindeki bu bask\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131, klasik kuramlarda farkl\u0131 temellerle a\u00e7\u0131klanmaktad\u0131r: <\/p>\n\n\n

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Gustave Le Bon, bireyin kitle i\u00e7inde rasyonelli\u011fini yitirerek liderden kolayca etkilenen duygusal bir varl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunurken; Sigmund Freud, bu s\u00fcreci psikanalitik bir ba\u011flamda liderle kurulan \u00f6zde\u015fim \u00fczerinden ele almaktad\u0131r (Arslan, 2025, s. 9; Pettigrew, 2017, s. 109). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu duygusal zemin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen stratejiler, \u00f6zellikle belirsizlik d\u00f6nemlerinde kitlelerin rasyonel karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini etkisizle\u015ftirmekte; korku temelli kriz anlat\u0131lar\u0131 siyasal sisteme duyulan g\u00fcvenin zay\u0131flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lerde daha geni\u015f kitlelerce kabul edilmektedir (Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 355). Bu noktada bireysel kayg\u0131lar\u0131n kitlesel bir harekete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, pop\u00fclist liderli\u011fin kitle psikolojisi ile kurdu\u011fu derin temasla yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkilidir (Arslan, 2025, s. 12).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sosyal Kimlik Kuram\u0131 ve Siyasal Davran\u0131\u015f<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu noktada Sosyal Kimlik Kuram\u0131, bireylerin kendilerini belirli gruplar\u0131n \u00fcyesi olarak tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131n\u0131n siyasal alg\u0131lar\u0131 nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kuramsal olarak a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r. Tajfel ve Turner\u2019a g\u00f6re bireylerin ait olduklar\u0131 gruplar\u0131 olumlu de\u011ferlendirme e\u011filimi grup i\u00e7i dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131rken; pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylemlerdeki \u201chalk\u201d ve \u201celitler\u201d kategorileri bu kimli\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren sembolik \u00e7er\u00e7eveler i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir (Tajfel ve Turner, 1979; Pettigrew, 2017, s. 112).  <\/p>\n\n\n

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Kimlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n bu denli g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi, toplumun keskin kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal kutupla\u015fmay\u0131 derinle\u015ftirmekte; dijital medya platformlar\u0131 da bu kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlerin h\u0131zla yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r (Lacatus, 2020, s. 38; Stranne, 2025, s. 4).\u00a0 S\u00f6z konusu stratejik y\u00f6nlendirme, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn teknolojik olanaklar\u0131yla birle\u015ferek daha h\u0131zl\u0131 ve etkili bir mobilizasyon g\u00fcc\u00fc kazanmaktad\u0131r. Modern siyasal ileti\u015fim ortam\u0131nda artan kutupla\u015fma, toplumun “biz” ve “onlar” ayr\u0131m\u0131 \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131yla siyasal rekabeti sertle\u015ftirmekte ve bu durum ulusal kimlik temalar\u0131 \u00fczerinden kolektif duygular\u0131 mobilize etmektedir (Alp, 2018, s. 64).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Psikanalitik Kuram Ba\u011flam\u0131nda Savunma Mekanizmalar\u0131<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dijital medya platformlar\u0131n\u0131n algoritmik yap\u0131lar\u0131, duygusal i\u00e7eriklerin daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelmesine neden olarak siyasal mesajlar\u0131n arac\u0131s\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde kitlelere ula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r. Psikanalitik \u00e7er\u00e7evede yans\u0131tma mekanizmas\u0131, bireylerin i\u00e7sel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015fsalla\u015ft\u0131rarak “\u00f6teki” gruplara atfetmesine olanak tan\u0131maktad\u0131r (Freud, 1936; Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 354). Bu savunma s\u00fcreci, toplumsal alg\u0131y\u0131 keskin z\u0131tl\u0131klar \u00fczerinden yeniden kurgulayan bir i\u015flev g\u00f6rmektedir.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

B\u00f6lme mekanizmas\u0131 ise karma\u015f\u0131k ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi “iyi” ve “k\u00f6t\u00fc” olarak kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p d\u00fcnyay\u0131 belirsizlikten ar\u0131nd\u0131rarak anlamland\u0131rmay\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r (Kernberg, 1975). Kitle dinamikleri ve liderle kurulan \u00f6zde\u015fimin \u00f6tesinde Marksist psikoloji, bu s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin toplumsal ve ekonomik ko\u015fullardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemeyece\u011fini savunmaktad\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131ma g\u00f6re bireylerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce bi\u00e7imleri ve duygusal d\u00fcnyalar\u0131, i\u00e7inde bulunduklar\u0131 toplumsal yap\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u015fekillendirilmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Otoriter Karakter ve \u0130deolojik Savunma Mekanizmalar\u0131 <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Lider ile kitle aras\u0131ndaki bu ideolojik ve psikolojik ba\u011f, \u00f6zellikle g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn pop\u00fclist liderlik modellerinde somut bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmaktad\u0131r. Pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylem yaln\u0131zca ideolojik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve de\u011fil, Microbiology ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal mobilizasyonu g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren bir retorik stratejisi olarak de\u011ferlendirilmektedir. “Ger\u00e7ek halk” ve “elitler” kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131, siyasal alan\u0131n iki kutuplu bi\u00e7imde alg\u0131lanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7arak kutupla\u015fmay\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmektedir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erich Fromm\u2019un otoriter karakter kavram\u0131, bireylerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kayg\u0131dan ka\u00e7\u0131p g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc fig\u00fcrlere s\u0131\u011f\u0131narak ideolojik bir savunma geli\u015ftirdiklerini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r (Fromm, 1941). \u00d6zellikle Twitter (X) gibi kanallar \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen do\u011frudan ileti\u015fim, siyasal mesajlar\u0131n h\u0131z\u0131yla birlikte do\u011frudanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da art\u0131rarak kitlelerin tepki s\u00fcrelerini k\u0131saltmaktad\u0131r (Lacatus, 2020, s. 39). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marksist yakla\u015f\u0131ma g\u00f6re de yabanc\u0131la\u015fma s\u00fcreciyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00fcvensizlik duygusu, kimlik siyasetine uygun bir zemin haz\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r. Bu teknolojik h\u0131z, yap\u0131sal ekonomik huzursuzluklar\u0131n ger\u00e7ek nedenlerinden kopar\u0131larak y\u00f6netilmesine olanak tan\u0131maktad\u0131r. Kapitalist sistemin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu somut ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda i\u015fsizlik ve gelir e\u015fitsizli\u011fi, bireylerin toplumsal d\u00fczene duydu\u011fu g\u00fcveni zay\u0131flatarak kitleleri psikolojik bir savunma mekanizmas\u0131 olarak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc lider fig\u00fcrlerine y\u00f6neltmektedir (Fromm, 1941).<\/p>\n\n\n

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Trump\u2019\u0131n Siyasal \u0130leti\u015fim Stratejisinin \u00d6zellikleri<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n siyasal ileti\u015fim tarz\u0131 pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylemin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f \u00f6rneklerinden biridir. Trump\u2019\u0131n stratejisi do\u011frudan ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir dil kullan\u0131m\u0131yla dikkat \u00e7ekerken; geleneksel medya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 azaltan sosyal medya kullan\u0131m\u0131 siyasal mesajlar\u0131n h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 ve do\u011frudanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trump\u2019\u0131n konu\u015fmalar\u0131nda g\u00f6\u00e7menler, geleneksel medya, uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar ve siyasal elitler s\u0131k\u00e7a tehdit unsuru olarak g\u00f6sterilmekte ve bu s\u00f6ylem arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla toplumsal huzursuzluk duygular\u0131 mobilize edilmektedir (Lacatus, 2020, s. 33-44).  \u00d6zellikle \u201cGer\u00e7ek Amerikal\u0131lar\u201d vurgusuyla olu\u015fturulan ulusal kimlik \u00e7er\u00e7evesi, tehdit anlat\u0131lar\u0131yla desteklenerek \u201cbiz\u201d ve \u201conlar\u201d ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 keskinle\u015ftirmektedir (Y\u0131lmaz vd., 2020, s. 152; Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 358). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Trump\u2019\u0131n destek\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 kayg\u0131ya bu s\u00f6ylemin psikolojik bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k \u00fcretti\u011fini kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r (Pettigrew, 2017, s. 113).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kriz Anlat\u0131lar\u0131 ve Kayg\u0131 Politikas\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nihayetinde pop\u00fclist retorik, bu karakter yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 mobilize ederek bireysel g\u00fcvensizli\u011fi lider \u00fczerinden bir g\u00fcvenlik duygusuna d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektedir. Bu tehdit temelli yakla\u015f\u0131m, toplumsal alg\u0131y\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in belirli anlat\u0131 kal\u0131plar\u0131ndan beslenmektedir. Trump\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6yleminde kriz anlat\u0131lar\u0131 \u00f6nemli bir yer tutmaktad\u0131r. Ekonomik kriz ve ulusal g\u00fcvenlik tehditleri gibi spesifik vurgular i\u00e7eren bu anlat\u0131lar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla liderler, mevcut d\u00fczenin yetersiz oldu\u011fu fikrini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirirken kendilerini bu krizi \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek yeg\u00e2ne akt\u00f6rler olarak sunmaktad\u0131r. S\u00f6ylemde ulusal kimlik ve g\u00fcvenlik temalar\u0131n\u0131n belirgin yer tutmas\u0131, toplumda “ontolojik g\u00fcvensizlik” duygusunu beslemekte ve “biz ve onlar” ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Kapitalist toplumda ekonomik belirsizliklerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fsizlik ve gelir e\u015fitsizli\u011fi gibi fakt\u00f6rler, bireylerin toplumsal g\u00fcven duygusunu k\u00f6k\u00fcnden zay\u0131flatmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Literat\u00fcrde “kayg\u0131 politikas\u0131” olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu strateji do\u011frultusunda, tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131 ve g\u00fcvensizlik duygusunun bireyleri g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc liderlere y\u00f6neltebildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir (Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 357; Pettigrew, 2017, s. 108\u2013110). Buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak geli\u015fen huzursuzluklar, pop\u00fclist retorik arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ekonomik k\u00f6kenlerinden ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylemler, ekonomik ve toplumsal e\u015fitsizliklerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 psikolojik huzursuzluklar\u0131 kimlik temelli kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar \u00fczerinden y\u00f6nlendirerek siyasal mobilizasyon i\u00e7in ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ekonomik e\u015fitsizliklerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek kayg\u0131, sistematik olarak belirli toplumsal gruplara y\u00f6nlendirilerek siyasal mobilizasyon i\u00e7in bir yak\u0131ta d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir (Homolar ve Scholz, 2019, s. 358). Bu ba\u011flamda pop\u00fclist mobilizasyon, toplumsal kayg\u0131n\u0131n sisteme y\u00f6nelmek yerine belirli hedeflere kanalize edilerek siyasal olarak yeniden y\u00f6nlendirilmesi s\u00fcrecidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, Donald Trump \u00f6rne\u011fi \u00fczerinden pop\u00fclist liderli\u011fin ideolojik de\u011fil, kolektif psikolojik dinamiklerle \u015fekillendi\u011fini; korku ve kayg\u0131 gibi duygular\u0131n stratejik bir mobilizasyon arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc saptanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Psikanalitik ve marksist perspektiflerle kurulan teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve, sistemik ekonomik huzursuzluklar\u0131n “yans\u0131tma” ve “b\u00f6lme” mekanizmalar\u0131yla kimlik temelli kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klara (“biz ve onlar”) nas\u0131l kanalize edildi\u011fini kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak pop\u00fclizm, toplumsal kayg\u0131n\u0131n sistemsel ele\u015ftiri yerine belirli gruplara y\u00f6nlendirilmesi s\u00fcreci olarak tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f; literat\u00fcre en b\u00fcy\u00fck katk\u0131s\u0131 ise bireysel psikoloji ile toplumsal kayg\u0131 \u00fcretimini disiplinleraras\u0131 bir y\u00f6ntemle birle\u015ftirmesi olmu\u015ftur. Gelecek ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar i\u00e7in dijital medyan\u0131n kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 rol\u00fc ve kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 pop\u00fclizm analizleri temel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma alanlar\u0131 olarak \u00f6nerilmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kaynak\u00e7a<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alp, H. (2018). Donald John Trump \u00f6rneklemi \u00fczerinden siyasette kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik ayr\u0131mc\u0131 s\u00f6ylem \u00f6rnekleri. Avrasya Uluslararas\u0131 Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Dergisi<\/em>, 6(15), 453\u2013466. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Arslan, S. (2025). D\u0131\u015f politikada kitleler psikolojisinin \u00f6nemi. Erzincan \u00dcniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc Dergisi<\/em>, 18(2), 158\u2013178. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.46790\/erzisosbil.1713509&nbsp<\/a>;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Freud, A. (1936). The ego and the mechanisms of defence<\/em>. Karnac. (Original work published)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Freud, S. (2012). Group psychology and the analysis of the ego<\/em>. Routledge. (Original work published 1921)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fromm, E. (1941). Escape from freedom<\/em>. Farrar & Rinehart.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Homolar, A., & Scholz, R. (2019). The power of Trump-speak: Populist crisis narratives and ontological security. Cambridge Review of International Affairs<\/em>, 32(3), 344\u2013364. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/09557571.2019.1575796<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kernberg, O. (1975). Borderline Conditions and Pathological Narcissism.<\/em> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lacatus, C. (2021). Populism and President Trump\u2019s approach to foreign policy: An analysis of tweets and rally speeches. Politics<\/em>, 41(1), 31\u201347. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/0263395720935380<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marcus, G., Neuman, W., & MacKuen, M. (2000). Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pettigrew, T. F. (2017). Social psychological perspectives on Trump supporters. Journal of Social and Political Psychology<\/em>, 5(1), 107\u2013116. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.5964\/jspp.v5i1.750<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stranne, F. (2025). Make America better again: Emotional narratives and the use of Instagram in the campaigns of Trump and Biden. Social Media + Society<\/em>, 11(4), 1\u201313. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/20563051251403982<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Y\u0131lmaz, A., Yolcu, T., \u00d6zkaynar, K., & Ayka\u00e7, \u00d6. S. (2020). Siyasal pazarlama ve siyasal ileti\u015fimde post-truth: Donald Trump \u00f6rne\u011fi. Sivas Cumhuriyet \u00dcniversitesi \u0130ktisadi ve \u0130dari Bilimler Dergisi<\/em>, 21(2). https:\/\/doi.org\/10.37880\/cumuiibf.740519&nbsp<\/a>;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n

<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

  Yazar: Klinik Psikolog G\u00fclseda \u00d6zdemir Giri\u015f Siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7ler yaln\u0131zca kurumsal yap\u0131lar ve politik programlarla de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal duygular ve alg\u0131larla \u015fekillenmektedir. Bu nedenle siyasal [\u2026]<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":270452333,"featured_media":7092,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_wpcom_ai_launchpad_first_post":false,"_jetpack_hide_featured_image":false,"_jetpack_featured_image_duplicate_dismissed":0,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"[]","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"_wpas_customize_per_network":false,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1631,1626],"tags":[1378,1606,1601,1604,1605,1444,1403,1592,1581],"class_list":["post-7025","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-dunyadan","category-guncel","tag-elestirel-psikoloji","tag-feminist-muzik","tag-muzik-psikolojisi","tag-muzik-ve-psikoloji","tag-muzigin-sosyolojisi","tag-politik-psikoloji","tag-psikolog","tag-psikososyal-calismalar","tag-sanat-psikolojisi"],"yoast_head":"\nTurmp'\u0131n 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