{"id":8894,"date":"2026-08-18T08:42:19","date_gmt":"2026-08-18T05:42:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/?p=8894"},"modified":"2026-08-18T08:43:31","modified_gmt":"2026-08-18T05:43:31","slug":"kotumserlik-ve-guvensizlik-ikliminde-siyasal-katilim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/2026\/08\/18\/kotumserlik-ve-guvensizlik-ikliminde-siyasal-katilim","title":{"rendered":"K\u00f6t\u00fcmserlik ve G\u00fcvensizlik \u0130kliminde Siyasal Kat\u0131l\u0131m"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Yazar: Psikolog \u0130rem G\u00f6k<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Demokrasi ile y\u00f6netilen toplumlar, y\u00f6netime ge\u00e7ecek ki\u015fileri oy verme ile belirlerler ve\u00a0 b\u00f6ylelikle siyasal ya\u015fama kat\u0131l\u0131m sa\u011flarlar. Se\u00e7imler, halka siyasal kat\u0131lma \u015fans\u0131 verdi\u011fi\u00a0 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemlidir. Demokratik y\u00f6netimlerde politik g\u00fcven, siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m ve demokrasinin\u00a0 istikrar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir fakt\u00f6r oldu\u011fu \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarla ortaya koyulmu\u015ftur (Marien\u00a0 ve Hooghe, 2011; Riet ve Stekelenburg, 2022). Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar sonucunda y\u00fcksek politik\u00a0 g\u00fcven d\u00fczeyi olan toplumlar\u0131n yasalar ve kurallarla daha i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i oldu\u011fu, y\u00f6neticiye\u00a0 daha fazla otorite verdi\u011fi ve siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n daha y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr (Riet\u00a0 ve Stekelenburg, 2022). Bununla birlikte demokratik toplumlarda yurtta\u015flar\u0131n siyasal\u00a0 sisteme y\u00f6nelik tutumlar\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm g\u00f6zlenmektedir. Siyasal partilere,\u00a0 siyaset\u00e7ilere ve siyasal kurumlara duyulan g\u00fcvenin azalmas\u0131; siyasal elitlerin ki\u015fisel\u00a0 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nceledi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 ve siyasal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin yurtta\u015flar\u0131n\u00a0 taleplerini yeterince temsil etmedi\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki kanaatler, siyasal sinizm kavram\u0131na\u00a0 i\u015faret etmektedir.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mevcut D\u00fczene \u0130nan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131k<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sinizm, genel tan\u0131m\u0131yla, umutsuzluk i\u00e7inde g\u00fcven ve samimiyete inanmayan insanlar\u0131n\u00a0 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n siyasal alana yans\u0131mas\u0131 ise siyasal sinizmdir.\u00a0 Siyasal sinizmin \u00e7e\u015fitli nedenleri vard\u0131r. Bunlar genellikle politik g\u00fcvenin azalmas\u0131,\u00a0 \u00fclkenin i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu ekonomik krizler ve siyasi skandallar olarak s\u0131ralanabilir. Ayr\u0131ca\u00a0 desteklenen partinin se\u00e7im kazanamamas\u0131 da siyasal sinizme yol a\u00e7abilmektedir\u00a0 (De\u011firmenci, 2014).\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u015eenel\u2019e g\u00f6re sinizm, e\u015fitsiz toplumsal d\u00fczenin ve bu d\u00fczenin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011ferlerin\u00a0 reddine dayan\u0131r. S\u00f6z konusu tepki, sisteme mesafeli olma ve yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra,\u00a0 mevcut d\u00fczeni yap\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde ele\u015ftirmek yerine onun vaat etti\u011fi maddi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel\u00a0 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme stratejisiyle kendisini g\u00f6sterir. (\u015eenel, 1995 akt. Sesli, 2022). Bu\u00a0 yakla\u015f\u0131m siyasal alana ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, siyasal sinizmin, siyasal kurumlara veya\u00a0 siyaset\u00e7ilere duyulan g\u00fcvensizlikten \u00f6te mevcut d\u00fczenin adaleti sa\u011flama ve kamu\u00a0 yarar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma kapasitesine y\u00f6nelik sorgulama anlam\u0131na gelebilir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu\u00a0 ba\u011flamda siyasal sinik tutum, birey ve siyasal sistemin vaat ettikleri ile yapt\u0131klar\u0131\u00a0 aras\u0131nda uyumsuzluk alg\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Bu uyumsuzluk siyasal\u00a0 kat\u0131l\u0131mdan \u00e7ekilme ya da mevcut siyasal d\u00fczeni de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik alternatif kat\u0131l\u0131m\u00a0 bi\u00e7imlerine y\u00f6nelerek kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 artt\u0131rmaya sebep olabilir. \u0130ki tutum aras\u0131ndaki fark\u00a0 de\u011fi\u015fim ihtimaline ili\u015fkin inan\u00e7t\u0131r.\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen<\/strong> Siyasal<\/strong> Kat\u0131l\u0131m<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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\u200bT\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rne\u011finde siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m oran\u0131n\u0131n geleneksel \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fc olarak se\u00e7imlere kat\u0131l\u0131mda\u00a0 her zaman y\u00fcksek oranlar g\u00f6rmekteyiz. En son yap\u0131lan 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde kat\u0131l\u0131m oran\u0131\u00a0 %87,04 ile son y\u0131llar\u0131n en y\u00fcksek kat\u0131l\u0131m oran\u0131 olarak kayda ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir (Y\u00fcksek Se\u00e7im\u00a0 Kurulu, 2023). Bu durum da vatanda\u015flar\u0131n siyasal s\u00fcrece ilgisinin y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu \u015feklinde okunabilir. Di\u011fer taraftan, T\u00fcrkiye’de politik g\u00fcven ve kurumlara olan g\u00fcven\u00a0oranlar\u0131 son be\u015f senede, OECD verilerine g\u00f6re (2025) %39,8\u2019e gerilemi\u015ftir. K\u0131saca\u00a0 T\u00fcrkiye hem kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 y\u00fcksek hem de g\u00fcveni d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck bir \u00f6rneklem olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar.\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye’deki \u00e7e\u015fitli siyasal sinizm ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131; siyasete, siyaset\u00e7ilere ve kurumlara\u00a0 y\u00f6nelik tutumlarda orta d\u00fczeyin \u00fczerinde bir sinizm, g\u00fcvensizlik ve keskin bir siyasi\u00a0 kutupla\u015fma oldu\u011funu ortaya koyan bir tablo sunar. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ilerleyen y\u0131llar\u00a0 boyunca se\u00e7imlerin adilli\u011fine dair inanc\u0131n azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir (Clancy vd., 2024;\u00a0 Erdo\u011fan ve Ak\u00e7akaya, 2026; Ayta\u00e7 ve \u00c7arko\u011flu, 2015). <\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye’de siyasal sinizmin en\u00a0 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc belirleyicisi desteklenen partidir.<\/strong> Sol siyasal g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe sahip partilere (CHP, T\u0130P,\u00a0 TKP, DEM vb.) yak\u0131n hissedenlerde sinizm puanlar\u0131 anlaml\u0131 \u015fekilde daha y\u00fcksek,\u00a0 kurumlara g\u00fcven ise d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckt\u00fcr. Bu tablo farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin siyasal sistemi tamamen farkl\u0131\u00a0 ger\u00e7eklikler \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir (Erdo\u011fan ve Ak\u00e7akaya, 2026;\u00a0 Windecker, Vergioglou ve Jacob 2024).\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sinizmin ve g\u00fcvensizli\u011fin yo\u011fun oldu\u011fu bu atmosferde, kat\u0131l\u0131m oranlar\u0131 nas\u0131l olur da\u00a0 kritik bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6stermemektedir?\u00a0<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oy verme davran\u0131\u015f\u0131, bireyin kontrol alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yeniden kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayan psikolojik bir  mekanizma i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Siyasete duyulan g\u00fcvensizlik artsa dahi belirli bir siyasi parti  veya liderle kurulan kimliksel ba\u011f (literat\u00fcrde parti \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi), se\u00e7menin sand\u0131\u011fa  gitme motivasyonunu korumaktad\u0131r (Taylor, 2015 akt. Sesli, 2022). Toplumsal ve  siyasal alandaki keskin kutupla\u015fma parti \u00f6zde\u015fli\u011finin siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131ma olan itici g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc  artt\u0131rmakta oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. <\/p>\n\n\n

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Siyasal sinizmi y\u00fcksek olan se\u00e7men grubu, yani sol ideolojiye yak\u0131n gruplar, oy vermenin\u00a0 kat\u0131l\u0131m i\u015flevini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. Sand\u0131\u011fa gitmeyi bir onaylama arac\u0131 yerine mevcut y\u00f6netimi\u00a0 uyarman\u0131n, cezaland\u0131rman\u0131n ya da olumsuz gidi\u015fata kar\u015f\u0131 gelmenin bir yolu olarak\u00a0 kullan\u0131r. Maliyet fayda odakl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda ise oy verme d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck maliyetli bir kat\u0131l\u0131m\u00a0 mekanizmas\u0131 olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar (Ayta\u00e7 ve Stokes, 2019). Dijital \u00e7a\u011f ve siyasi\u00a0 akt\u00f6rlerin dijital \u00e7a\u011fa verdikleri de\u011fi\u015fim tepkisiyle siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m, konu odakl\u0131, dinamik\u00a0 ve olduk\u00e7a maliyetsiz hale gelmi\u015ftir. Yeni siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m dinamikleri sayesinde oy\u00a0 kullanma davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 peki\u015febilmektedir (Ba\u015f\u00e7\u0131, 2025). Bununla beraber siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 geleneksel oy verme eylemiyle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin \u00f6tesine\u00a0 ge\u00e7mek gerekir. Dijital \u00e7a\u011fda de\u011fi\u015fen siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m mekanizmalar\u0131, mevcut y\u00f6netime\u00a0 kar\u015f\u0131 kolektif bir eylem amac\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131r. Bu durum, siyasal sinizm ile kat\u0131l\u0131m aras\u0131ndaki\u00a0 ili\u015fkiyi incelerken olduk\u00e7a \u00f6nemli bir \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kurumlara ve siyaset\u00e7ilere\u00a0 kar\u015f\u0131 derin bir g\u00fcvensizlik veya inan\u00e7s\u0131zl\u0131k besleyen sinik bireyler, geleneksel kat\u0131l\u0131ma\u00a0 ilgisizlik duysalar bile dijital mecralarda olduk\u00e7a aktif, ele\u015ftirel ve organize bir kat\u0131l\u0131m\u00a0 sergileyebilmektedir. Bu nedenle demokratik kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fcnde yaln\u0131zca oy verme\u00a0 gibi geleneksel kat\u0131l\u0131m bi\u00e7imlerine odaklanmak, siyasal sinizmin \u00fcretti\u011fi yeni kat\u0131l\u0131m\u00a0 bi\u00e7imlerini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez hale getirebilir. Bu durum da siyasal sinizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na\u00a0 paradoksal olarak sinik bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 kazand\u0131rabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zetle, T\u00fcrkiye demokrasisinde g\u00f6zlemlenen d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck g\u00fcvene kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k y\u00fcksek kat\u0131l\u0131m\u00a0 tablosunda, sinik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin beklenildi\u011fi gibi bir geri \u00e7ekilme yaratmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na, aksine\u00a0 kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n niteli\u011finin ve amac\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekilmelidir.\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kaynak\u00e7a<\/strong>:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayta\u00e7, S. E. ve Stokes, S. C. (2020). Ne de\u011fi\u015fir ki?: Se\u00e7imlere ve protestolara kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131  yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek<\/em> (B. E. Aksoy, \u00c7ev.). Ko\u00e7 \u00dcniversitesi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayta\u00e7, S. E. ve \u00c7arko\u011flu, A. (2015). Haziran 2015 se\u00e7imlerine giderken kamuoyu  dinamikleri [Sunum slaytlar\u0131]. Ko\u00e7 \u00dcniversitesi Saha Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Merkezi.  https:\/\/media-cdn.t24.com.tr\/files\/20150506015156_20150505232435_ali-carkoglu<\/a> 2015-secim-arastirmasi-sunum-4.pdf <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ba\u015fc\u0131. G. (2025). Sosyal Medyan\u0131n Siyasal Kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 Etkilemedeki Rol\u00fc. Malatya Turgut  \u00d6zal \u00dcniversitesi \u0130\u015fletme ve Y\u00f6netim Bilimleri Dergisi, 6(2), 286-312. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Clancy, L., Poushter, J., & Ramones, S. H. (2024, October 16). Turks lean negative on  Erdo\u011fan, give national government mixed ratings<\/em>. Pew Research Center. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

De\u011firmenci, N., & Kaya, B. (2016). 2014 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Se\u00e7im S\u00fcrecinde Gen\u00e7lerde Siyasal  G\u00fcven Ve Sinizm: Gen\u00e7 Diyojenlerden Gen\u00e7 Vatanda\u015fa. Toplum ve Demokrasi Dergisi,  9(19), 109-125. https:\/\/izlik.org\/JA44MY64TA&nbsp<\/a>;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Erdo\u011fan, G., & Ak\u00e7akaya, N. (2026). Siyasal sinizm ile ili\u015fkili fakt\u00f6rler: Nepotizm, g\u00fcven,  kat\u0131l\u0131m ve memnuniyetsizlik \u00fczerine bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma. Olgu Sosyoloji Dergisi, 5(1), 36-52.  https:\/\/doi.org\/10.58632\/olgusos.1884675&nbsp<\/a>;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Marien, S., ve Hooghe, M. (2011). Does political trust matter? an empirical investigation  into the relation between Political Trust and support for law compliance. European  Journal of Political Research, 50(2), 267\u2013291.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

OECD (2023), Trust in public institutions, Government at a Glance 2023 <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sesli, M. (2022). Siyasal sinizm: Sinikler, sinik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve ya\u015fam tarz\u0131. S. Kahraman  (Ed.), Siyasal yaz\u0131lar: Siyasal kavramlar ve terimler \u00fczerine tetkikler i\u00e7inde (ss. 581-598).  E\u011fitim Yay\u0131nevi. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Y\u00fcksek Se\u00e7im Kurulu. (2023). 14 May\u0131s 2023 Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7imi istatistikleri. Van\u2019t Riet, J., ve Van Stekelenburg, A. (2021). The effects of political incivility on political trust and political participation: A meta-analysis of experimental research. Human Communication Research, 48(2), 203\u2013229. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1093\/hcr\/hqab022&nbsp<\/a>;<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Windecker P, Vergioglou I, Jacob MS. Living in Different Worlds: Electoral  Authoritarianism and Partisan Gaps in Perceptions of Electoral Integrity. British Journal  of Political Science<\/em>. 2025;55:e44. doi:10.1017\/S0007123424000863<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yazar: Psikolog \u0130rem G\u00f6k Demokrasi ile y\u00f6netilen toplumlar, y\u00f6netime ge\u00e7ecek ki\u015fileri oy verme ile belirlerler ve\u00a0 b\u00f6ylelikle siyasal ya\u015fama kat\u0131l\u0131m sa\u011flarlar. Se\u00e7imler, halka siyasal kat\u0131lma \u015fans\u0131 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