{"id":9046,"date":"2026-08-27T01:48:18","date_gmt":"2026-08-26T22:48:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/?p=9046"},"modified":"2026-08-27T01:53:01","modified_gmt":"2026-08-26T22:53:01","slug":"barisin-psikopolitigi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/2026\/08\/27\/barisin-psikopolitigi","title":{"rendered":"Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n Psikopoliti\u011fi: \u00c7er\u00e7eve Yasa T\u00fcrkiye’nin Ruh Halini De\u011fi\u015ftirebilir Mi?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

R\u00f6portaj: Do\u00e7. Dr. Zeynep Tekku\u015f Set I<\/strong> Psikolog<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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Edit\u00f6rden<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye’de bar\u0131\u015f, sadece hukuki bir metin veya silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131yla de\u011fil; \u00f6nyarg\u0131 ve korkunun a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 psikopolitik bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Do\u00e7. Dr. Zeynep Tekku\u015f Set<\/strong> ile bu r\u00f6portajda bar\u0131\u015f\u0131; yasal bir ad\u0131mdan \u00f6te, adalet ve e\u015fitlikle toplumu yeniden in\u015fa eden kapsaml\u0131 bir toplumsal olarak ele al\u0131yoruz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

1 \u2014 K\u00fcrt sorununun y\u0131llarca g\u00fcvenlik ve ter\u00f6r ekseninde konu\u015fulmas\u0131, T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n birbirlerini alg\u0131lama bi\u00e7imlerini nas\u0131l de\u011fi\u015ftirdi?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uzun s\u00fcreli toplumsal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar yaln\u0131zca siyasal kurumlar\u0131 ve g\u00fcvenlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, insanlar\u0131n birbirlerini alg\u0131lama bi\u00e7imlerini de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. Sosyal psikoloji literat\u00fcr\u00fc, s\u00fcre\u011fen \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131nda toplumlar\u0131n zamanla bir t\u00fcr \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fma repertuvar\u0131\u201d geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131, kolektif korku, ma\u011fduriyet anlat\u0131lar\u0131, grup i\u00e7i dayan\u0131\u015fma ve kar\u015f\u0131 grubun niyetlerine y\u00f6nelik ku\u015fku bu repertuvar\u0131n \u00f6nemli par\u00e7alar\u0131d\u0131r. Bar-Tal\u2019\u0131n (2007) tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekliyle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczle\u015fmi\u015f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda bu psikolojik \u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcler bir s\u00fcre sonra yaln\u0131zca \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sonucu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar; \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n s\u00fcrmesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131ran etkenlere de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Bu nedenle K\u00fcrt meselesinin uzun y\u0131llar a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak \u201cg\u00fcvenlik\u201d ve \u201cter\u00f6r\u201d kavramlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, silahl\u0131 akt\u00f6rlerle geni\u015f toplumsal kimlik kategorilerinin zihinsel d\u00fczeyde birbirine yakla\u015fmas\u0131 riskini do\u011furmu\u015ftur. Bir grubun s\u00fcrekli tehdit ba\u011flam\u0131nda temsil edilmesi, bireysel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc azaltabilir ve \u201conlar\u201d kategorisini daha homojen, daha ku\u015fku uyand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn gibi alg\u0131latabilir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k K\u00fcrt yurtta\u015flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da devletle veya \u00e7o\u011funluk grubuyla ili\u015fkiler, ya\u015fanan ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k, d\u0131\u015flanma ya da tan\u0131nmama deneyimleri \u00fczerinden okunabilir. B\u00f6ylece kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 g\u00fcven kayb\u0131, farkl\u0131 nedenlerle de olsa, iki tarafta da yeniden \u00fcretilebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrkiye ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki ampirik ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar bu noktada \u00f6nemlidir. \u00c7elebi, Verkuyten, K\u00f6se ve Maliepaard\u2019\u0131n (2014) T\u00fcrk ve K\u00fcrt kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131larla y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckleri \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, d\u0131\u015f-gruba g\u00fcven ile \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n nas\u0131l anlamland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131nda belirgin ili\u015fkiler bulundu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Ba\u015fka ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar da tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ve etnik-siyasal kimliklerin gruplar aras\u0131 tutumlarda \u00f6nemli rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r (Ayta\u00e7 & \u00c7arko\u011flu, 2018; Sarigil & Karako\u00e7, 2017).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ancak burada \u201cT\u00fcrkler b\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor, K\u00fcrtler \u015f\u00f6yle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyor\u201d bi\u00e7iminde iki homojen toplum varsaymak bilimsel a\u00e7\u0131dan do\u011fru olmaz. Her iki kimli\u011fin i\u00e7inde de s\u0131n\u0131f, ku\u015fak, b\u00f6lge, siyasal y\u00f6nelim, temas deneyimi ve ya\u015fam \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck farkl\u0131l\u0131klar vard\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bar\u0131\u015f dilinin ilk psikolojik i\u015flevlerinden biri, insanlar\u0131 tek boyutlu kolektif kategorilerden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p yeniden birbirinden farkl\u0131 bireyler ve yurtta\u015flar olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmak olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2 \u2014 Bir toplumda adalet duygusu olu\u015fmadan yaln\u0131zca hukuki bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00fczerinden bar\u0131\u015f in\u015fa edilebilir mi?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hukuki bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7in son derece \u00f6nemlidir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc belirsizli\u011fi azalt\u0131r, hak ve sorumluluklar\u0131 tan\u0131mlar ve s\u00fcrece kurumsal bir zemin kazand\u0131r\u0131r. Fakat bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca hukuk metniyle kurulabilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, hukuki me\u015fruiyet ile psikolojik me\u015fruiyeti birbirine e\u015fitlemek olur.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Prosed\u00fcrel adalet ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 insanlar\u0131n yaln\u0131zca bir karar\u0131n sonucuna de\u011fil, o karar\u0131n nas\u0131l al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131na<\/strong> da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bi\u00e7imde tepki verdi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. \u0130nsanlar kendilerinin dinlendi\u011fini, karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin tarafs\u0131z oldu\u011funu, kurumlar\u0131n sayg\u0131l\u0131 davrand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve kurallar\u0131n herkese tutarl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fcklerinde kurumlara g\u00fcven ve me\u015fruiyet alg\u0131s\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lenmektedir (Hough et al., 2010). Bu nedenle bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinde \u201changi yasa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131?\u201d sorusu kadar \u201ckimler dinlendi, s\u00fcre\u00e7 ne kadar \u015feffaf y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc, farkl\u0131 ma\u011fduriyetler ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tan\u0131nd\u0131 ve kurallar herkese e\u015fit mi uyguland\u0131?\u201d sorular\u0131 da belirleyicidir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Adalet duygusunun bir ba\u015fka boyutu tan\u0131nmad\u0131r. Uzun \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalarda gruplar yaln\u0131zca maddi kay\u0131plar ya\u015famaz; sayg\u0131nl\u0131k, g\u00fcvenlik, g\u00fc\u00e7 ve ahlaki kabul g\u00f6rme ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 da yara alabilir. Shnabel ve Nadler\u2019in uzla\u015fmaya ili\u015fkin ihtiya\u00e7 temelli modeli, ma\u011fduriyet ya\u015fayan gruplarda g\u00fc\u00e7 ve s\u00f6z sahibi olma ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n, sorumluluk atfedilen tarafta ise ahlaki kabul g\u00f6rme ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kabildi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir (Shnabel & Nadler, 2008). Kal\u0131c\u0131 uzla\u015fma bu farkl\u0131 psikolojik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 yok saymak yerine onlar\u0131 demokratik ve \u015fiddetsiz bir zeminde kar\u015f\u0131layabilmelidir<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00c7er\u00e7eve Yasa gerekli bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 olabilir; fakat toplumsal adalet deneyimi yaratmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece tek ba\u015f\u0131na yeterli olmayabilir. Hukukun bar\u0131\u015f \u00fcretmesi i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca norm koymas\u0131 de\u011fil, yurtta\u015flarda \u201csesim duyuluyor, onurum korunuyor ve bu sistem bana da adil davranacak\u201d duygusunu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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3 \u2014 K\u00fcrt sorununun s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve psikolojik boyutu birbirinden ayr\u0131labilir mi? Yoksulluk, i\u015fsizlik ve toplumsal d\u0131\u015flanma bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l etkiler?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u0131n\u0131fsal ve psikolojik boyutlar\u0131 analitik olarak ay\u0131rabiliriz; fakat ger\u00e7ek ya\u015famda bunlar s\u00fcrekli birbirini \u00fcretir. Yoksulluk yaln\u0131zca gelir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fildir. S\u00fcre\u011fen oldu\u011funda bireyin gelece\u011fi kontrol edebilme duygusunu, topluma aidiyetini ve kurumlara g\u00fcvenini de etkiler. \u0130\u015fsizlik yaln\u0131zca ekonomik kay\u0131p yaratmaz; sosyal stat\u00fc, \u00f6zsayg\u0131 ve gelecek beklentisi \u00fczerinde de sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furabilir. Toplumsal d\u0131\u015flanma ise ekonomik dezavantaja \u201cistenmiyorum\u201d, \u201ce\u015fit yurtta\u015f olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyorum\u201d veya \u201c\u00e7abam\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmayacak\u201d \u015feklinde psikolojik anlamlar ekleyebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7at\u0131\u015fma ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6zellikle \u00f6nemli olan, yaln\u0131zca bireyler aras\u0131ndaki gelir fark\u0131 de\u011fil, kimlik gruplar\u0131 aras\u0131nda sistematik bi\u00e7imde olu\u015fan yatay e\u015fitsizliklerdir<\/strong>. Cederman, Weidmann ve Gleditsch\u2019in (2011) k\u00fcresel kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131, siyasal olarak anlaml\u0131 etnik gruplar aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik ve siyasal e\u015fitsizliklerin etno-ulusal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma riskiyle ili\u015fkili oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Buradan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken sonu\u00e7, \u201cyoksulluk \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya otomatik olarak yol a\u00e7ar\u201d de\u011fildir. Daha do\u011fru ifade \u015fudur: Ekonomik dezavantaj kimlik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131yla \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ve adaletsizlik olarak deneyimlendi\u011finde toplumsal gerilimlerin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 h\u00e2line gelebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu nedenle kal\u0131c\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca silahl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n sona ermesine de\u011fil, e\u011fitim, istihdam, b\u00f6lgesel kalk\u0131nma, siyasal kat\u0131l\u0131m, ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 ve kamu hizmetlerine e\u015fit eri\u015fim gibi alanlara da uzanmas\u0131 gerekir. Fakat burada \u00f6nemli bir uyar\u0131 vard\u0131r: K\u00fcrt sorununu yaln\u0131zca ekonomik geri kalm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k meselesine indirgemek de eksik olacakt\u0131r. Ekonomik iyile\u015fme; kimlik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel tan\u0131nma, e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k ve siyasal temsil taleplerinin yerine ge\u00e7mez. Kal\u0131c\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ekonomik adalet ile tan\u0131nma adaletini birlikte kurmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

4 \u2014 \u00c7er\u00e7eve Yasa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131 halinde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kolektif ruh halinde sizce hangi de\u011fi\u015fimler g\u00f6zlenebilir: daha az korku, daha fazla g\u00fcven, kimlikler aras\u0131 yak\u0131nla\u015fma, siyasal kutupla\u015fmada azalma?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cKolektif ruh hali\u201dni klinik bir kavramdan \u00e7ok, toplumdaki korku, g\u00fcven, umut, tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131 ve gruplar aras\u0131 mesafe gibi psikososyal g\u00f6stergelerin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek daha do\u011fru olur. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 ve me\u015fru alg\u0131lanan bir bar\u0131\u015f s\u00fcrecinin ilk etkilerinden biri belirsizli\u011fin ve tehdit beklentisinin azalmas\u0131 olabilir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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On y\u0131llara yay\u0131lan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar toplumlar\u0131n kolektif belle\u011finde iz b\u0131rak\u0131r. Hirschberger\u2019in (2018) g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi \u00fczere kolektif travma yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f bir olay de\u011fildir; grubun kimli\u011fini, bug\u00fcn\u00fc anlamland\u0131rma bi\u00e7imini ve gelece\u011fe dair beklentilerini etkileyen bir anlam sistemine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir. Bu nedenle hukuki de\u011fi\u015fiklik ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi g\u00fcn toplumsal korkunun bir anda ortadan kalkmas\u0131n\u0131 bekleyemeyiz. Kurumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm daha h\u0131zl\u0131, psikolojik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ise \u00e7o\u011funlukla daha yava\u015f ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 zaman i\u00e7inde \u00fc\u00e7 \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fimi besleyebilir. Birincisi, kar\u015f\u0131 grubun s\u00fcrekli tehdit kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak alg\u0131lanmas\u0131nda azalmad\u0131r. \u0130kincisi, devlete ve birbirine y\u00f6nelik g\u00fcvenin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesidir. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc ise g\u00fcndelik ya\u015famda kimlikler aras\u0131 temas\u0131n daha g\u00fcvenli h\u00e2le gelmesidir. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pettigrew ve Tropp\u2019un (2006) 515 ara\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 ve 713 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00f6rneklemi kapsayan meta-analizi, gruplar aras\u0131 temas\u0131n genel olarak \u00f6nyarg\u0131y\u0131 azaltt\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kan\u0131t sunmaktad\u0131r. Fakat temas\u0131n niteli\u011fi \u00f6nemlidir: e\u015fit stat\u00fc, i\u015f birli\u011fi, ortak ama\u00e7lar ve kurumsal destek oldu\u011funda olumlu sonu\u00e7 \u00fcretme olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 daha y\u00fcksektir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00c7er\u00e7eve Yasa\u2019n\u0131n psikopolitik ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca \u015fiddet olaylar\u0131n\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131yla \u00f6l\u00e7memek gerekir. Gruplar aras\u0131 g\u00fcven y\u00fckseliyor mu? Ayr\u0131mc\u0131 tutumlar azal\u0131yor mu? \u0130nsanlar farkl\u0131 kimliklerden kom\u015fu, i\u015f arkada\u015f\u0131 veya akraba fikrine daha a\u00e7\u0131k m\u0131? Kurumlar\u0131n tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na duyulan g\u00fcven g\u00fc\u00e7leniyor mu? Siyasal rakipler daha az d\u00fc\u015fmanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir dille mi konu\u015fuyor? Bunlar s\u00fcrecin toplumsal ruh h\u00e2lindeki ger\u00e7ek kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterecek \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlerdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

5 \u2014 Son olarak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ger\u00e7ekten bar\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 yeterli mi; yoksa toplumun birbirini alg\u0131lama bi\u00e7imini de\u011fi\u015ftirecek uzun soluklu bir \u201cpsikopolitik bar\u0131\u015f\u201d s\u00fcrecine mi ihtiya\u00e7 var?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 ku\u015fkusuz vazge\u00e7ilmezdir; insan ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 korur ve siyasetin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7ar. Fakat \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zl\u0131k ile toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildir. Uzun s\u00fcreli \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan \u015fiddet ortadan kalksa bile korkular, stereotipler, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ma\u011fduriyet anlat\u0131lar\u0131, g\u00fcvensizlik ve d\u0131\u015flay\u0131c\u0131 siyasal dil ya\u015famaya devam edebilir. Bar-Tal\u2019\u0131n (2007) \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bu nedenle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n psikolojik altyap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131ca d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi gerekti\u011fini vurgular.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ben \u201cpsikopolitik bar\u0131\u015f\u201d\u0131, bireysel psikolojiyi siyasetten koparmayan; fakat siyasi sorunlar\u0131 da yaln\u0131zca psikolojiye indirgemeyen bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. B\u00f6yle bir yakla\u015f\u0131m hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na alan hukukla, adil kurumlarla, ekonomik ve b\u00f6lgesel e\u015fitsizliklerin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131yla, ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki ac\u0131lar\u0131n ink\u00e2r edilmeden konu\u015fulabilmesiyle ve farkl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n g\u00fcvenli temas kurabilece\u011fi kamusal alanlarla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmelidir.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Uzla\u015fma, taraflar\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fi ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde anlatmas\u0131 demek de\u011fildir. Demokratik toplumlarda tarih yorumlar\u0131 ve siyasal talepler farkl\u0131 kalabilir. As\u0131l mesele, bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve me\u015fruiyetini ortadan kald\u0131rma gerek\u00e7esine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemesidir. Toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7in insanlar\u0131n birbirini sevmesi \u015fart de\u011fildir; birbirlerinin e\u015fit haklara sahip oldu\u011funu kabul etmeleri, farkl\u0131l\u0131kla birlikte ya\u015fayabilmeleri ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u015fiddet yerine demokratik kurumlar \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6zebileceklerine g\u00fcvenmeleri gerekir. Bu nedenle T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015far\u0131y\u0131 \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fma sona erdi\u201d c\u00fcmlesinden daha geni\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek gerekir. Kal\u0131c\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f, korkunun siyasal davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 belirleme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn azalmas\u0131; farkl\u0131 kimliklerin kamusal alanda kendilerini g\u00fcvende hissetmesi; adalet ve e\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k duygusunun g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi; farkl\u0131 gruplar\u0131n birbirini soyut tehdit kategorileri yerine somut insanlar olarak g\u00f6rebilmesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r; bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kendisi de\u011fil<\/strong>. Psikopolitik bar\u0131\u015f ise bir yasa maddesinden \u00e7ok daha uzun soluklu bir toplumsal \u00f6\u011frenme s\u00fcrecidir. Hukuk bu s\u00fcrecin g\u00fcvenli zeminini kurabilir. Ancak o zeminin g\u00fcven, adalet, tan\u0131nma, temas ve ortak gelecek duygusuyla doldurulmas\u0131 toplumun tamam\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde duran daha uzun vadeli g\u00f6revdir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kaynak\u00e7a<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayta\u00e7, S. E., & \u00c7arko\u011flu, A. (2018). Ethnicity and religiosity-based prejudice in Turkey: Evidence from a survey experiment. International Political Science Review, 39<\/em>(1), 58\u201372.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bar-Tal, D. (2007). Sociopsychological foundations of intractable conflicts. American Behavioral Scientist, 50<\/em>(11), 1430\u20131453.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cederman, L.-E., Weidmann, N. B., & Gleditsch, K. S. (2011). Horizontal inequalities and ethnonationalist civil war: A global comparison. American Political Science Review, 105<\/em>(3), 478\u2013495<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00c7elebi, E., Verkuyten, M., K\u00f6se, T., & Maliepaard, M. (2014). Out-group trust and conflict understandings: The perspective of Turks and Kurds in Turkey. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 40<\/em>, 64\u201375.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hirschberger, G. (2018). Collective trauma and the social construction of meaning. Frontiers in Psychology, 9<\/em>, Article 1441.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hough, M., Jackson, J., Bradford, B., Myhill, A., & Quinton, P. (2010). Procedural justice, trust, and institutional legitimacy. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 4<\/em>(3), 203\u2013210.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90<\/em>(5), 751\u2013783.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sarigil, Z., & Karako\u00e7, E. (2017). Inter-ethnic (in)tolerance between Turks and Kurds: Implications for Turkish democratisation. South European Society and Politics, 22<\/em>(2), 197\u2013216.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shnabel, N., & Nadler, A. (2008). A needs-based model of reconciliation: Satisfying the differential emotional needs of victim and perpetrator as a key to promoting reconciliation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94<\/em>(1), 116\u2013132.\u00a0
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R\u00f6portaj: Do\u00e7. Dr. Zeynep Tekku\u015f Set I Psikolog Edit\u00f6rden T\u00fcrkiye’de bar\u0131\u015f, sadece hukuki bir metin veya silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131yla de\u011fil; \u00f6nyarg\u0131 ve korkunun a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 psikopolitik bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmle [\u2026]<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":270452333,"featured_media":9049,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_wpcom_ai_launchpad_first_post":false,"_jetpack_hide_featured_image":false,"_jetpack_featured_image_duplicate_dismissed":0,"_jetpack_feature_clip_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"[]","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"_wpas_customize_per_network":false,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[1367,1628],"tags":[1783,1378,1784,1444,1370,1449,1785],"class_list":["post-9046","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-roportaj","category-siyaset","tag-baris-psikolojisi","tag-elestirel-psikoloji","tag-kurt-sorunu-ve-psikoloji","tag-politik-psikoloji","tag-psikoloji","tag-sosyal-psikoloji","tag-zeynep-tekkus-set"],"yoast_head":"\nBar\u0131\u015f\u0131n Psikopoliti\u011fi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r; bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kendisi de\u011fil. Psikopolitik bar\u0131\u015f ise bir yasa maddesinden \u00e7ok daha uzun soluklu bir toplumsal \u00f6\u011frenme s\u00fcrecidir.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/2026\/08\/27\/barisin-psikopolitigi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n Psikopoliti\u011fi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Silahlar\u0131n susmas\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r; bar\u0131\u015f\u0131n kendisi de\u011fil. 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