{"id":9533,"date":"2026-09-27T20:44:11","date_gmt":"2026-09-27T17:44:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/?p=9533"},"modified":"2026-09-27T20:54:26","modified_gmt":"2026-09-27T17:54:26","slug":"akpye-gecislerin-ruhsalligi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/psikopolitikdergi.com\/akpye-gecislerin-ruhsalligi","title":{"rendered":"AKP’ye Ge\u00e7i\u015flerin Ruhsall\u0131\u011f\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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R\u00f6portaj<\/strong>: Kln. Psk. \u0130pek Demirta\u015f I Kad\u0131k\u00f6y Bld. Meclis \u00dcyesi <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Edit\u00f6r<\/strong>: Psikolog Caner \u00d6zdemir<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Partiler aras\u0131 transferlerin yaln\u0131zca birer “\u00e7\u0131kar hesab\u0131” <\/strong>olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi, bu olgunun ard\u0131ndaki derin yap\u0131sal dinamikleri g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Politik psikoloji eksenindeki bu r\u00f6portajda; TBMM ve yerel y\u00f6netimlerdeki parti de\u011fi\u015fimlerini g\u00fc\u00e7 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131 ve narsisistik yat\u0131r\u0131mlar gibi kavramlar \u00fczerinden inceliyoruz. Erich Fromm’un “toplumsal karakter”<\/strong> kuram\u0131ndan rasyonalizasyon mekanizmalar\u0131na kadar uzanan bu analiz; siyasi ilkesizlik ile pragmatizm aras\u0131ndaki ince \u00e7izgiyi ve iktidar\u0131n \u00e7eperinde kalma arzusunun psikolojik motivasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 masaya yat\u0131r\u0131yor.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

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\"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

1 – Son d\u00f6nemde TBMM ve yerel y\u00f6netimlerde farkl\u0131 siyasi partilerden AKP\u2019ye ge\u00e7en isimleri nas\u0131l bir siyasal ve psikolojik atmosferin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendiriyorsunuz?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bu ge\u00e7i\u015fleri sadece \u201c\u015fu ki\u015fi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 i\u00e7in ge\u00e7ti\u201d <\/strong>diyerek a\u00e7\u0131klamak eksik kalacakt\u0131r. Elbette ki\u015fisel \u00e7\u0131kar, kariyer hesab\u0131, makam beklentisi gibi fakt\u00f6rler olabilir. Ama mesele bundan daha geni\u015f. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Siyaset\u00e7i nihayetinde i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu siyasal atmosferden etkileniyor ve uzun s\u00fcre g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kalan bir iktidar, bir s\u00fcre sonra sadece \u201c\u00fclkeyi y\u00f6neten parti\u201d <\/strong>olarak alg\u0131lanmay\u0131p; g\u00fcc\u00fcn, karar mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131n, kaynaklar\u0131n, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ve siyasi devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n merkezi gibi g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015flanabiliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Psikopolitik a\u00e7\u0131dan burada \u00f6nemli olan \u015fu: Ki\u015fi parti de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirirken di\u011fer taraftan g\u00fc\u00e7 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumunu de\u011fi\u015ftiriyor. Buradan do\u011fru; muhalefetteyken kendisini sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, etkisiz ya da belirsiz bir yerde hisseden ki\u015fi iktidara ge\u00e7ti\u011finde \u201cart\u0131k merkeze daha yak\u0131n\u0131m, daha g\u00fcvendeyim, daha etkiliyim\u201d <\/strong>duygusu hakim olmaya ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r. Erich Fromm\u2019un \u201ctoplumsal karakter\u201d<\/strong> dedi\u011fi \u015fey bize bunu anlat\u0131yor. \u0130\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sistem zamanla bizim yaln\u0131zca davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 de\u011fil, neyi g\u00fcvenli, neyi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc, neyi ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc de etkiliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bir de hegemonya meselesi var. Hegemonya alt\u0131nda kalmak bir noktada iktidar\u0131n d\u00fcnyay\u0131 tarif etme bi\u00e7iminin, muhalifler taraf\u0131ndan bile \u201cger\u00e7eklik\u201d <\/strong>olarak kabul edilmeye ba\u015flanmas\u0131na sebebiyet verebiliyor. \u00d6rne\u011fin bir belediye ba\u015fkan\u0131, \u201c\u0130ktidar partisine yak\u0131n olmazsam il\u00e7eme hizmet getiremem.\u201d <\/strong>diye d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorsa burada \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir e\u015fikteyiz anlam\u0131na gelir. Bu noktada hikaye siyasi tercih olmaktan s\u0131yr\u0131l\u0131p kendini \u00e7aresiz hisseden zihinde \u201cka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz merkez\u201d <\/strong>haline gelmi\u015f oluyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ben bu ge\u00e7i\u015flerin arkas\u0131nda \u00fc\u00e7 temel duygu tariflerim: g\u00fc\u00e7 aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131 ve etkisiz kalma korkusu<\/strong>. Buna bir de ideolojik aidiyetlerin zay\u0131flamas\u0131n\u0131 eklemek elzem tabii. Y\u0131llard\u0131r ait hissetti\u011finiz ve orada oldu\u011funuz bir siyasi partide e\u011fer \u201coradal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131z\u201d <\/strong>ger\u00e7ekten g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyse makam kaybedebilirsiniz fakat fikrinizi de\u011fi\u015ftiremezsiniz. K\u00f6kleriniz ve sizi i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011funuz olu\u015fuma s\u0131k\u0131 s\u0131k\u0131ya ba\u011flayan de\u011ferler buna engel olacakt\u0131r. E\u011fer aidiyet daha \u00e7ok g\u00f6rev, stat\u00fc ve kariyer \u00fczerinden kurulmu\u015fsa, g\u00f6rev tehdit edildi\u011finde siyasi kimlik de daha kolay \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2 – Bu ge\u00e7i\u015flerde \u201csiyasi pragmatizm\u201d ve \u201csiyasi ilkesizlik\u201d kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 politik psikoloji a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan nas\u0131l de\u011ferlendirirsiniz?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6ncelikle iki kavram\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131rmak gerekir. Pragmatizm siyasetin do\u011fal bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Siyaset sadece ilkelerden ibaret de\u011fil; uzla\u015fma var, ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re y\u00f6ntem de\u011fi\u015ftirmek var, sonu\u00e7 \u00fcretme zorunlulu\u011fu var. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir siyaset\u00e7inin y\u00f6ntem de\u011fi\u015ftirmesi tek ba\u015f\u0131na ilkesizlik anlam\u0131na gelmez. Bu y\u00fczden do\u011fru sonuca ula\u015fabilmek i\u00e7in do\u011fru soruyu sormak gerekir: <\/strong>De\u011fi\u015fen ara\u00e7 m\u0131 yoksa ilkeler mi?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

E\u011fer ki\u015fi ayn\u0131 temel de\u011ferleri savunuyor ama onlar\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in farkl\u0131 bir y\u00f6ntem tercih ediyorsa buna pragmatizm diyebiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \n
  • \u201cBen de\u011fi\u015fmedim, ko\u015fullar de\u011fi\u015fti.\u201d<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u201cPartim de\u011fi\u015fti.\u201d<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u201c\u00dclkenin \u015fartlar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fti.\u201d<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • \u201cHizmetin partisi olmaz.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n

    Bu s\u00f6ylemler bazen ger\u00e7ekten samimi olabilir. Fakat asl\u0131nda ki\u015finin kendi benlik b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc korumas\u0131na da hizmet ediyordur.<\/p>\n\n\n

    \n
    \"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

    Siyasi ilkesizlik ise biraz daha ba\u015fka bir \u015fey. Orada ideoloji art\u0131k ki\u015finin kimli\u011finin merkezinde de\u011fildir. Daha \u00e7ok bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Orada soru \u201cBen neye inan\u0131yorum?\u201d <\/strong>olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p \u201cBen nerede daha avantajl\u0131y\u0131m?\u201d <\/strong>sorusuna d\u00f6ner. Bana kal\u0131rsa siyasetin problemli noktas\u0131 tam buras\u0131.\u00a0 \u0130deoloji bir de\u011ferler sistemi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p kariyer arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bunun etkisi yaln\u0131zca siyaset\u00e7iyle k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 kalm\u0131yor; vatanda\u015fa da sirayet ediyor ve vatanda\u015f da \u015funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye ba\u015fl\u0131yor: \u201cDemek ki bu insanlar\u0131n s\u00f6yledikleri \u00e7ok da \u00f6nemli de\u011filmi\u015f.\u201d<\/strong> Ve oradan siyasal g\u00fcvensizlik ba\u015fl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Biraz daha detayland\u0131rmak gerekirse insan\u0131n bili\u015fsel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden de bahsetmek isterim. \u0130nsan ayn\u0131 anda birbirine z\u0131t iki olguyu ta\u015f\u0131makta zorlan\u0131r. Diyelim ki y\u0131llarca bir siyasi parti hakk\u0131nda \u00e7ok sert ele\u015ftiriler yapt\u0131n\u0131z. Sonra o partiye ge\u00e7tiniz. Zihinde do\u011fal olarak ben ge\u00e7mi\u015fte neredeydim, bug\u00fcn neredeyim; ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ne s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordum ve bug\u00fcn ne s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorum; hangisi ger\u00e7ek, hangisi de\u011fil \u015feklinde bir\u00e7ok \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olu\u015fur. \u0130nsan bu gerilimle uzun s\u00fcre rahat ya\u015fayamaz. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla zihninde bir denge kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Eski ele\u015ftirilerini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcltmeye ba\u015flar. Yeni partisinin olumlu yanlar\u0131n\u0131 daha fazla g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Eski partisindeki sorunlar\u0131 daha \u00e7ok vurgular. Hatta bazen eski partisine, ayr\u0131lmadan \u00f6nce oldu\u011fundan daha sert davranmaya ba\u015flar. Bu asl\u0131nda psikolojik olarak anla\u015f\u0131labilecek fakat siyasi ideoloji zemininde de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde ilkesizlik olarak adledilebilecek olan k\u0131s\u0131md\u0131r.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n

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    \"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

    Di\u011fer taraftaysa narsisistik yat\u0131r\u0131m dedi\u011fimiz mesele var. Burada narsisizm derken kibirden bahsetmiyorum. \u0130nsan\u0131n benlik de\u011ferini belirli donelere ba\u011flamas\u0131ndan bahsediyorum. Siyasette makam, \u00fcnvan, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck ve karar verme g\u00fcc\u00fc \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc narsisistik yat\u0131r\u0131m alanlar\u0131d\u0131r. Bir siyasi kendisini uzun y\u0131llar boyunca milletvekili, belediye ba\u015fkan\u0131, meclis \u00fcyesi gibi \u00fcnvanlar ile tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015fsa, bir s\u00fcre sonra bu g\u00f6revler yaln\u0131zca siyasi g\u00f6rev ve titir olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p kimli\u011finin par\u00e7as\u0131 halini al\u0131yor. Sonras\u0131nda bu makam\u0131n kayb\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda ya\u015fant\u0131lanan sadece i\u015f kayb\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak kimli\u011fin de kayb\u0131 haline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp siyasi ki\u015finin kendini sorgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kayb\u0131 halinde yas ya\u015fatabilen bir hale evriliyor. \u0130deolojiyle kariyerin ger\u00e7ek s\u0131nav\u0131 asl\u0131nda burada ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f oluyor. Ki\u015fi makam\u0131 kaybetti\u011finde de sahip oldu\u011fu de\u011ferleri savunabiliyor mu yoksa ideolojik aidiyet makam oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece mi devam ediyor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Bir de meseleye grup aidiyeti d\u00fczleminden bakal\u0131m. Siyasi parti yaln\u0131zca fikirlerden olu\u015fmaz. Arkada\u015fl\u0131klar, ili\u015fkiler, semboller, ortak ge\u00e7mi\u015f bilgisiyle harmanlanm\u0131\u015f bir \u201cbiz\u201d <\/strong>tariflemesi y\u0131llar boyunca olu\u015fagelmi\u015ftir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla partiden kopu\u015fu bir aileden ayr\u0131lmaya benzetsek fazla olmaz asl\u0131nda. T\u00fcm bu al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar ve davran\u0131\u015f e\u011filimleri ile (\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kimli\u011fin birer par\u00e7as\u0131 olan davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n hayat bulmaya ihtiyac\u0131 var) yeni gruba ge\u00e7ince de yeni aidiyeti kan\u0131tlama ihtiyac\u0131 olu\u015fabilir. Bu y\u00fczden baz\u0131 ki\u015filer transferden sonra eski partilerine \u00e7ok daha sert ele\u015ftiriler y\u00f6neltebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Psikolojik mesaj biraz \u015fudur: \u201cArt\u0131k onlardan de\u011filim. Sizdenim.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    3 – \u201cKaybetme korkusu\u201d ile \u201ciktidar\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olma arzusu\u201d aras\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir ili\u015fki var?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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    \"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

    Bence bu iki \u015fey birbirinden ayr\u0131 de\u011fil. Hatta \u00e7o\u011fu zaman biri di\u011ferini do\u011furuyor. \u0130ktidar\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olma arzusu her zaman \u201cdaha \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7 istiyorum\u201d<\/strong> de\u011fil de \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz kalmak istemiyorum\u201d<\/strong> demektir ve bu iki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f ayn\u0131 kap\u0131ya \u00e7\u0131kmazlar.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u00d6zellikle uzun y\u0131llar siyasetin i\u00e7inde bulunan biri i\u00e7in kaybetmek sadece se\u00e7imi kaybetmek de\u011fildir. Kay\u0131p kendisiyle beraber; stat\u00fc kayb\u0131, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck kayb\u0131, karar verme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kayb\u0131, ili\u015fki a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n daralarak kaybedilmesi, telefonlar\u0131n eskisi kadar \u00e7almamas\u0131, art\u0131k protokol olmayacak olmak anlam\u0131na gelir. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu de\u011fi\u015fimlerse insan\u0131n benlik alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 etkiler. Bu y\u00fczdendir ki ki\u015fi iktidara g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez olmamak i\u00e7in yakla\u015f\u0131r. Biraz da yas tutmamak i\u00e7in. Y\u0131llard\u0131r besleyip b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, u\u011frunda vakit ve nakit d\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn benli\u011fin kayb\u0131 m\u0131, yoksa ideolojik kay\u0131p m\u0131 daha b\u00fcy\u00fck yasa sebeptir?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Otorite analizleriyle tesad\u00fcf etti\u011fimde insan\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ile (burada t\u00fcmg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcl\u00fck, adillik ve hak kavramlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131yorum) m\u00fccadeleyi b\u0131rak\u0131p onun bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline geldi\u011finde kendisini daha g\u00fcvende hissetti\u011fini anlam\u0131\u015f ve bu duyguyu sorgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Biraz tariflemek gerekirse b\u00fct\u00fcn tehditler vuku bulurken stratejik ba\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kma y\u00f6ntemlerinin ve duygudurum dengesinin \u00e7ok m\u00fchim oldu\u011fu siyasi arenada tehdit ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda duruma \u00f6zg\u00fc kayg\u0131y\u0131 ve do\u011frudan gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 azaltmak i\u00e7in kendisini sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itmeyece\u011fi sadece ceket de\u011fi\u015ftirece\u011fi daha hafif yaralay\u0131c\u0131 -ki\u015fisine g\u00f6re- olan\u0131 se\u00e7er. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Siyaset\u00e7i zihninde muhalefet olmay\u0131 belirsizlik, iktidar olmay\u0131 devaml\u0131l\u0131k olarak kodlay\u0131p denklemi bu \u015fekliyle olu\u015fturduysa transferi kendi i\u00e7inde bir \u201cilkesizlik<\/strong>\u201d olarak de\u011fil, bir hayatta kalma stratejisi olarak bile ya\u015fayabilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ya sava\u015fmas\u0131 ya da ka\u00e7mas\u0131 gerekmi\u015ftir ve bu noktada siyasi kendi kafas\u0131nda bili\u015fsel olarak e\u015fledi\u011fi belirsizlikten ka\u00e7mak suretiyle devaml\u0131l\u0131k sa\u011flayarak ayakta kalmas\u0131na hizmet eden sistemin piyonu haline gelecektir.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    4 – B\u00fct\u00fcn bu ge\u00e7i\u015fleri birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinde nas\u0131l bir ruh hali g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsunuz?<\/strong><\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

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    \"\"<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

    Ben bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ruh haline, \u201cvatanda\u015f\u0131n ve siyasi akt\u00f6rlerin tutarl\u0131l\u0131k, g\u00fcven ve istikrar aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda oldu\u011fu d\u00fczensiz bir hal\u201d<\/strong> derdim.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    T\u00fcrk siyasi organizmas\u0131n\u0131 siyaset\u00e7inin de vatanda\u015f\u0131n da siyah beyaz aras\u0131nda gidip geldi\u011fi, karars\u0131z kalman\u0131n imkans\u0131z oldu\u011fu; grilerin anlam\u0131n\u0131 yitirdi\u011fi bir alanda nefes almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak, \u00fclkemizi olu\u015fturan t\u00fcm motiflerin; ailenin, kad\u0131n\u0131n, \u00e7ocu\u011fun, kedinin, k\u00f6pe\u011fin, a\u011fac\u0131n de\u011fil iktidar<\/em> olman\u0131n anlaml\u0131 hale getirilip; ya\u015fama sebebi ve mutluluk kayna\u011f\u0131 olan t\u00fcm olgular\u0131n ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, kent yoksullu\u011fundan zorunlu i\u00e7 g\u00f6\u00e7lere, rantsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmden \u00e7evre temizli\u011fine, sek\u00fclerizmden muhafazakarl\u0131\u011fa uzanan ve \u00f6rneklerini geni\u015fletebilece\u011fimiz makas aral\u0131\u011f\u0131nda savrulan ve kendini s\u00fcrekli tehdit halinde hisseden; mikro ve makro travmalarla y\u00fczle\u015fmi\u015f ve y\u00fczle\u015fiyor olan bir haf\u0131zay\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan bir ruh olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum. Bu ruhla birlikte siyasetle u\u011fra\u015fan ki\u015fi veya vatanda\u015f t\u00fcm ya\u015fant\u0131lar\u0131ndan sonra bir de \u201cher \u015fey ayn\u0131, hepsi birbirinin ayn\u0131s\u0131\u201d <\/strong>d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine girdi\u011finde i\u015fte buras\u0131 politik a\u00e7\u0131dan alarm anlam\u0131na geliyor.\u00a0\u0130nsan k\u0131z\u0131yorsa hala bir \u015feylerin farkl\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 bekliyordur fakat \u201chepsi ayn\u0131\u201d <\/strong>diyorsa siyasetten duygusal yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve biz bunu siyasal sinizm<\/strong> olarak adland\u0131r\u0131yoruz.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \u0130\u015fte sinizm<\/strong> t\u00fcm bu sebeplerle zihinlere yer etti\u011finde ki\u015fi art\u0131k iyi olana da inanc\u0131n\u0131 kaybediyor ve g\u00fcven kayb\u0131 genelle\u015fiyor. Bu da \u00f6\u011frenilmi\u015f \u00e7aresizli\u011fi do\u011furuyor.\u00a0Vatanda\u015f tekrar tekrar, \u201cBenim yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m tercih sonucu de\u011fi\u015ftirmiyor\u201d <\/strong>duygusunu ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bir s\u00fcre sonra siyasi kat\u0131l\u0131m iste\u011fi azal\u0131yor. Siyaset\u00e7i taraf\u0131nda da benzer olarak \u201cBu iktidar zaten de\u011fi\u015fmez.\u201d<\/strong> d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi yerle\u015firse m\u00fccadele etmek yerine uyum sa\u011flamak daha cazip hale gelebilir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla asl\u0131nda siyaset\u00e7iyle vatanda\u015f\u0131 ayn\u0131 ruh halinin iki farkl\u0131 taraf\u0131ndaym\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6rebiliriz. Siyaset\u00e7i iktidara yap\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Vatanda\u015f siyasetten ayr\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Ama ikisinin de temelinde g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fck hissi ve tutars\u0131zl\u0131klardan do\u011fan \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ile olgular\u0131n ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n (metala\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n) do\u011furdu\u011fu mikro ve makro travmalar yat\u0131yor.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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